Radhika Coomaraswamy
Interview with Ms Radhika Coomaraswamy
- How do you evaluate women’s standing across regions in politics nowadays? Are we improving women’s political participation overall?
We are making clear gains in women’s participation in some areas. Globally, the number of women parliamentarians has nearly doubled since the Beijing Platform was adopted in 1995, from 11.3 per cent at that time, to 22.1 per cent today. Importantly, several of the countries with the highest representation of women globally are also those emerging from conflict, including Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi, Croatia, Iraq, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, Rwanda, Serbia, and South Sudan. However, in other areas, women’s participation hasn’t seen much progress at all. The number of women peacekeepers has remained virtually stagnant, at 3 per cent, since 2011. A study of 31 major peace processes between 1992 and 2011 revealed that only nine per cent of negotiators were women. Given what we know about the importance of women’s participation to the creation and maintenance of global peace and security—the premise of resolution 1325—these figures are unacceptable. Significantly, the Global Study also highlights the importance of ensuring not only women’s equal participation, but women’s meaningful participation. An improvement in numbers does not necessarily mean that women are able to effectively influence decision-making; the benefits of women’s participation are only fully realized when there is the opportunity for influence. We are still far from achieving that goal.
- In your opinion, has women’s increased political participation made a difference to pushing through the effective implementation of UNSCR 1325?
Yes, women’s increased political participation pushes the implementation of resolution 1325. We can see this highlighted in the example of women’s participation in peace agreements. In Burundi, women succeeded in including provisions on freedom of marriage and the right to choose one’s partner into the peace agreement. In Guatemala, women’s organizations coordinated with the woman representative at the table to introduce commitments to classify sexual harassment as a new criminal offence and establish an office for indigenous women’s rights. However, one of the main findings of the Global Study it is that women’s participation has broader positive effects on peace and security. For example, when women participate in peace processes as witnesses, signatories, mediators or negotiators, they do more than bring women’s issues to the table; we see a 20 per cent increase in the probability of a peace agreement lasting two years. This percentage increases over time, with a 35 per cent increase in the probability of a peace agreement lasting 15 years. Women’s participation and empowerment also accelerates economic recovery, strengthens our peace operations, improves our humanitarian assistance, and can help counter violent extremism. Women’s participation in peace and security isn’t just good for women – it’s good for all of us.
- Which are the main findings of the Global Study on UNSC resolution 1325 and what are your recommendations for women in politics (parliamentarians, elected officials and candidates) to improve its implementation? What are the most effective ways in which women in politics can facilitate peace processes and make women’s voices heard?
One of the Global Study’s main findings is that women’s participation and empowerment is essential to global peace and security, described above. In addition, I would highlight a few other findings here – although more can be found in the Global Study’s executive summary:
1. The international community has been too slow to put in place effective early warning and prevention measures or address root causes even where they are apparent, and too quick to react to crises with an armed response. The Global Study emphasizes the importance of short-term prevention measures such as early warning systems, intensified efforts at preemptive dialogue at the local, national and international levels, and the use of new technologies. It also examines measures to address the root causes and structural drivers of conflict, from inequality, to the proliferation of small arms, to emerging issues such as climate change and organized crime.
2. Justice in conflict and post-conflict settings must be transformative in nature, addressing not only the singular violation experienced by women through the punishment of perpetrators, but also addressing the underlying inequalities which render women and girls vulnerable during times of conflict and which inform the consequences of the human rights violations they experience. The Global Study explores both the importance of fighting impunity for crimes against women through criminal justice proceedings, while also recognizing the central role played by reparations, truth and reconciliation processes and in ensuring that victims and their communities heal and recover together.
3. The peacebuilding period provides a window of opportunity to transform societies and work toward gender equality; to build economies and institutions that recognize and seek to address the specific challenges women face. The Global Study highlights the importance of localized approaches to peacebuilding, based on the conditions and desires of the community, rather than a one-size-fits all approach. Supporting women peacebuilders and respecting their autonomy is also important to preventing and countering violent extremism. The Global Study explores how funding and support to women peacebuilders in contexts of rising extremism can play a critical role in ensuring that extremist ideologies neither survive nor thrive.
The Global Study makes clear that we now have strong normative frameworks in place for women, peace and security – and what is missing is political will and financing for implementation of these frameworks. Women involved in political decision-making can help to change the attitudes of their governments about the global priorities for peace and security, to insist that women be included in conflict prevention, peacemaking and peacebuilding, and to ensure that women peacebuilders around the world are adequately funded and supported in their work. A vibrant civil society is core to advancing the women, peace and security agenda, and women politicians can help to protect the space for their activism when it comes under threat. Most importantly, I would highlight that implementing the women, peace and security agenda is not solely the responsibility of women, and cannot be achieved without the partnership of men – as an agenda that benefits societies as a whole, men must also increasingly become political advocates and leaders in implementing resolution 1325.
- 2015 can be seen as a breakthrough for gender equality (SDG5 and commitments made at the recent 70th GA). If you could name one specific target that we should reach in the next 5 years globally, what would it be?
The SDGs provide an absolutely critical push for all countries to achieve gender equality and peaceful and inclusive societies – two goals which lie at the heart of the women, peace and security agenda. The SDGs take a holistic approach which is also endorsed in the Global Study: respect for human rights, development and peace go hand in hand; one cannot be achieved without the others. It is hard to separate one particular target as more important than the others – but I do think one bears highlighting: under Goal 16, target 4 asks that countries significantly reduce the flow of illicit arms. The Global Study found that the availability of small arms and light weapons is a driver of conflict, and exposes women and girls, in particular, to increased risk of violence. I think this target creates an important entry point for a broader discussion in our countries and communities about military spending and the massive flow of both licit and illicit weapons, which often contributes to conflict.
- How do you interpret the results of the recent Sri Lankan Parliamentary election in terms of gender and how do you think that women’s electoral and political participation could be increased? Do you think that a system of gender quotas is appropriate for this?
Given that I am currently serving on the Sri Lankan Constitutional Council, I cannot comment on the current political situation in my country. However, I will note that the Global Study describes the importance of temporary special measures, including quotas, to increase women’s political participation. As of July 2015, in conflict and post-conflict countries where legislated electoral quotas had been adopted, women represented almost 23 per cent of parliamentarians, compared to 15 per cent in those countries without legislated quotas. Alongside electoral quotas, other important temporary special measures include targeted training for women candidates, public awareness campaigns on women’s right to participate in political and electoral processes, and working with appropriate bodies to ensure women can participate in a safe and secure environment. All serve to confront the existing cultural and legal discrimination that prevents women’s full participation in political decision-making, which is especially important as the political space evolves in the wake of conflict.
- Migration as a global topic is currently taking central stage across regions (i.e. at the Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union; the Global Forum on Migration and Development in Istanbul; the European Council’s Valetta Summit in November). Special focus is put on internationally displaced people. In a recent speech at the 70th GA, the IOM Director, William Swing, highlighted that women are the most vulnerable in the current migration crisis. In your view, what can MPs, other elected officials do to prevent women migrants’ trafficking, violence against migrant women and protect migrant women’s rights?
The protection of women in conflict, including women refugees and IDPs, is core to the women, peace and security agenda, and is the focus of one of the chapters of the Global Study. At the moment, our news streams are flooded with images of refugees fleeing violence in Syria, Afghanistan, and northern Africa, seeking safe haven in relatively wealthy European nations. Not only do these nations have a duty to obey international human rights law and international refugee law, and protect these migrants when they arrive on their shores and border crossings – they also ought to examine their complicity in driving these conflicts. The largest arms exporters in the world are the United States, Italy, Germany, Brazil, Austria, Switzerland, Israel, the Russian Federation, South Korea, Belgium, China, Turkey, Spain, and the Czech Republic. In 2014, military expenditure was at USD $1.7 trillion. When our global economies are built on military expenditure, we get what we pay for. The best way to prevent violence against women refugees and IDPs is to prevent conflict.
Interview with Ms Radhika Coomaraswamy
- How do you evaluate women’s standing across regions in politics nowadays? Are we improving women’s political participation overall?
We are making clear gains in women’s participation in some areas. Globally, the number of women parliamentarians has nearly doubled since the Beijing Platform was adopted in 1995, from 11.3 per cent at that time, to 22.1 per cent today. Importantly, several of the countries with the highest representation of women globally are also those emerging from conflict, including Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi, Croatia, Iraq, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, Rwanda, Serbia, and South Sudan. However, in other areas, women’s participation hasn’t seen much progress at all. The number of women peacekeepers has remained virtually stagnant, at 3 per cent, since 2011. A study of 31 major peace processes between 1992 and 2011 revealed that only nine per cent of negotiators were women. Given what we know about the importance of women’s participation to the creation and maintenance of global peace and security—the premise of resolution 1325—these figures are unacceptable. Significantly, the Global Study also highlights the importance of ensuring not only women’s equal participation, but women’s meaningful participation. An improvement in numbers does not necessarily mean that women are able to effectively influence decision-making; the benefits of women’s participation are only fully realized when there is the opportunity for influence. We are still far from achieving that goal.
- In your opinion, has women’s increased political participation made a difference to pushing through the effective implementation of UNSCR 1325?
Yes, women’s increased political participation pushes the implementation of resolution 1325. We can see this highlighted in the example of women’s participation in peace agreements. In Burundi, women succeeded in including provisions on freedom of marriage and the right to choose one’s partner into the peace agreement. In Guatemala, women’s organizations coordinated with the woman representative at the table to introduce commitments to classify sexual harassment as a new criminal offence and establish an office for indigenous women’s rights. However, one of the main findings of the Global Study it is that women’s participation has broader positive effects on peace and security. For example, when women participate in peace processes as witnesses, signatories, mediators or negotiators, they do more than bring women’s issues to the table; we see a 20 per cent increase in the probability of a peace agreement lasting two years. This percentage increases over time, with a 35 per cent increase in the probability of a peace agreement lasting 15 years. Women’s participation and empowerment also accelerates economic recovery, strengthens our peace operations, improves our humanitarian assistance, and can help counter violent extremism. Women’s participation in peace and security isn’t just good for women – it’s good for all of us.
- Which are the main findings of the Global Study on UNSC resolution 1325 and what are your recommendations for women in politics (parliamentarians, elected officials and candidates) to improve its implementation? What are the most effective ways in which women in politics can facilitate peace processes and make women’s voices heard?
One of the Global Study’s main findings is that women’s participation and empowerment is essential to global peace and security, described above. In addition, I would highlight a few other findings here – although more can be found in the Global Study’s executive summary:
1. The international community has been too slow to put in place effective early warning and prevention measures or address root causes even where they are apparent, and too quick to react to crises with an armed response. The Global Study emphasizes the importance of short-term prevention measures such as early warning systems, intensified efforts at preemptive dialogue at the local, national and international levels, and the use of new technologies. It also examines measures to address the root causes and structural drivers of conflict, from inequality, to the proliferation of small arms, to emerging issues such as climate change and organized crime.
2. Justice in conflict and post-conflict settings must be transformative in nature, addressing not only the singular violation experienced by women through the punishment of perpetrators, but also addressing the underlying inequalities which render women and girls vulnerable during times of conflict and which inform the consequences of the human rights violations they experience. The Global Study explores both the importance of fighting impunity for crimes against women through criminal justice proceedings, while also recognizing the central role played by reparations, truth and reconciliation processes and in ensuring that victims and their communities heal and recover together.
3. The peacebuilding period provides a window of opportunity to transform societies and work toward gender equality; to build economies and institutions that recognize and seek to address the specific challenges women face. The Global Study highlights the importance of localized approaches to peacebuilding, based on the conditions and desires of the community, rather than a one-size-fits all approach. Supporting women peacebuilders and respecting their autonomy is also important to preventing and countering violent extremism. The Global Study explores how funding and support to women peacebuilders in contexts of rising extremism can play a critical role in ensuring that extremist ideologies neither survive nor thrive.
The Global Study makes clear that we now have strong normative frameworks in place for women, peace and security – and what is missing is political will and financing for implementation of these frameworks. Women involved in political decision-making can help to change the attitudes of their governments about the global priorities for peace and security, to insist that women be included in conflict prevention, peacemaking and peacebuilding, and to ensure that women peacebuilders around the world are adequately funded and supported in their work. A vibrant civil society is core to advancing the women, peace and security agenda, and women politicians can help to protect the space for their activism when it comes under threat. Most importantly, I would highlight that implementing the women, peace and security agenda is not solely the responsibility of women, and cannot be achieved without the partnership of men – as an agenda that benefits societies as a whole, men must also increasingly become political advocates and leaders in implementing resolution 1325.
- 2015 can be seen as a breakthrough for gender equality (SDG5 and commitments made at the recent 70th GA). If you could name one specific target that we should reach in the next 5 years globally, what would it be?
The SDGs provide an absolutely critical push for all countries to achieve gender equality and peaceful and inclusive societies – two goals which lie at the heart of the women, peace and security agenda. The SDGs take a holistic approach which is also endorsed in the Global Study: respect for human rights, development and peace go hand in hand; one cannot be achieved without the others. It is hard to separate one particular target as more important than the others – but I do think one bears highlighting: under Goal 16, target 4 asks that countries significantly reduce the flow of illicit arms. The Global Study found that the availability of small arms and light weapons is a driver of conflict, and exposes women and girls, in particular, to increased risk of violence. I think this target creates an important entry point for a broader discussion in our countries and communities about military spending and the massive flow of both licit and illicit weapons, which often contributes to conflict.
- How do you interpret the results of the recent Sri Lankan Parliamentary election in terms of gender and how do you think that women’s electoral and political participation could be increased? Do you think that a system of gender quotas is appropriate for this?
Given that I am currently serving on the Sri Lankan Constitutional Council, I cannot comment on the current political situation in my country. However, I will note that the Global Study describes the importance of temporary special measures, including quotas, to increase women’s political participation. As of July 2015, in conflict and post-conflict countries where legislated electoral quotas had been adopted, women represented almost 23 per cent of parliamentarians, compared to 15 per cent in those countries without legislated quotas. Alongside electoral quotas, other important temporary special measures include targeted training for women candidates, public awareness campaigns on women’s right to participate in political and electoral processes, and working with appropriate bodies to ensure women can participate in a safe and secure environment. All serve to confront the existing cultural and legal discrimination that prevents women’s full participation in political decision-making, which is especially important as the political space evolves in the wake of conflict.
- Migration as a global topic is currently taking central stage across regions (i.e. at the Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union; the Global Forum on Migration and Development in Istanbul; the European Council’s Valetta Summit in November). Special focus is put on internationally displaced people. In a recent speech at the 70th GA, the IOM Director, William Swing, highlighted that women are the most vulnerable in the current migration crisis. In your view, what can MPs, other elected officials do to prevent women migrants’ trafficking, violence against migrant women and protect migrant women’s rights?
The protection of women in conflict, including women refugees and IDPs, is core to the women, peace and security agenda, and is the focus of one of the chapters of the Global Study. At the moment, our news streams are flooded with images of refugees fleeing violence in Syria, Afghanistan, and northern Africa, seeking safe haven in relatively wealthy European nations. Not only do these nations have a duty to obey international human rights law and international refugee law, and protect these migrants when they arrive on their shores and border crossings – they also ought to examine their complicity in driving these conflicts. The largest arms exporters in the world are the United States, Italy, Germany, Brazil, Austria, Switzerland, Israel, the Russian Federation, South Korea, Belgium, China, Turkey, Spain, and the Czech Republic. In 2014, military expenditure was at USD $1.7 trillion. When our global economies are built on military expenditure, we get what we pay for. The best way to prevent violence against women refugees and IDPs is to prevent conflict.
