Advocacy & Lobbying
In Africa, several initiatives seek to increase women’s visibility in digital spaces. Africa Wiki Women is one of the projects actively involved in advancing African women’s participation in online knowledge creation and sharing.
Women across the continent still face many obstacles in accessing technology and participating in digital knowledge spaces. Previous reports from Global Voices show that online abuse and harassment of women are significant barriers limiting their participation in and contribution to collaboration platforms and information networks. These obstacles lead to a representation bias, where African women’s achievements often remain unseen and undocumented in digital spaces.
From these access barriers emerged Africa Wiki Women, a collaborative project between three women: Ruby Damenshie-Brown from Ghana, Bukola James from Nigeria, and Pellagia Njau from Tanzania, who came together to empower women through training, contribution campaigns, and mentorship programs. This organization encourages women to document the countless remarkable achievements African women make, and increase the content about women and their initiatives on collaborative knowledge platforms.
This post is part of Global Voices’ April 2026 Spotlight series, “Human perspectives on AI.” This series will offer insight into how AI is being used in global majority countries, how its use and implementation are affecting individual communities, what this AI experiment might mean for future generations, and more. You can support this coverage by donating here.
As a Nigerian who has spent years on X (formerly Twitter), I’ve seen a lot. I’ve witnessed trends come and go, policies shift, and communities build and dissolve. For a long time, I considered myself a “conscious” internet user. I curated my timeline carefully, avoided unnecessary engagement, muted triggering keywords, and accepted the uncomfortable truth that the internet, especially for women, was never designed with our safety in mind.
My work at Superbloom (a design non-profit and studio) — particularly on human-centered design projects and the tech policy design lab playbook on online gender-based violence — was my first real exposure to the scale and intensity of violence occurring online. I came to see how these forms of violence persist online: Victims remain scared and vulnerable, while perpetrators are rarely held accountable. A temporary ban is often the extent of the response, and they soon return with a new account and a new victim. Social media, once a place for connection, community-building, and entrepreneurship, has now become a battleground and hostile environment, with women often bearing the brunt of unprovoked abuse. Furthermore, according to UN estimates, only 40 percent of countries have legislation protecting women and girls from online abuse, leaving much of the global population exposed.
This post is part of Global Voices’ April 2026 Spotlight series, “Human perspectives on AI.” This series will offer insight into how AI is being used in global majority countries, how its use and implementation are affecting individual communities, what this AI experiment might mean for future generations, and more. You can support this coverage by donating here.
In November 2023, a group of parents from a school in Rio de Janeiro reported to the police that teenagers were creating and sharing nudes created using Artificial Intelligence (AI) featuring other classmates. Less than a year later, in September 2024, in the state of Bahia, another group of teens was also suspected of using AI to create pornographic images of other classmates, while in Mato Grosso state, students were expelled after sharing AI images featuring a teacher and other students in pornography communities on social media.
These are some recent cases reported on Brazilian media and mentioned in a technical note published by the independent research center Internetlab in early April, 2026. The document aims to discuss “ways of combating online violence against girls and women in Brazil” and recommend regulatory discussions within the country’s context.
Even as the debate surrounding reservations to women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies is once again in the spotlight, some serious concerns are being raised: Will the reservation being promised by to-be promulgated legislation truly reach women from all sections equally or whether the benefits will be limited primarily to the affluent and socially empowered.
India has a strong patriarchal political culture. This is clearly evident in Panchayat elections. Reservation for women in Panchayat elections in India came through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act in 1993, which reserved at least 33 per cent (one-third) of seats for women at all levels.
Currently, this reservation has been increased to 50 per cent in more than 20 states, with Bihar leading the way in 2006. India is the only country where more than 1.4 million elected women are actively participating in local self-government institutions (panchayats and municipal bodies). This has, albeit slowly, significantly transformed the status of women.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in collaboration with the African School of Governance (ASG), the African Union Commission (AUC) and the African Women Leaders Network (AWLN), today opened applications for the inaugural cohort of the African Academy for Women in Political Leadership, a continental programme designed to build the next generation of women who govern Africa.
Thirty women will be selected for a fully funded, four-week blended programme combining virtual learning with a residential convening in Kigali. Nominations are now open to government institutions, political parties, AU member state bodies, and civil society organisations across all five African regions.
Why the Academy
Africa’s political representation of women remains critically low. Where women do hold office, they often navigate systems that were not designed with their leadership in mind. The African Academy for Women in Political Leadership was built to change that — by equipping women leaders with the skills, networks, and strategic resources required to lead, govern, and shape reform agendas at the highest levels.
The Academy is anchored in African leadership and ownership, and is positioned as a continental public good. It builds on the curriculum framework developed and validated through an inclusive co-design process held in Kigali in October 2025.
What Participants Will Experience
The four-week blended programme combines high-impact virtual learning, an immersive residential convening, mentorship from senior African leaders, and applied leadership practice. The curriculum covers:
- Political leadership and governance
- Strategic communications
- Coalition-building and legislative processes
- Campaign and political financing
- Ethical leadership and inclusive governance
All programme costs, including tuition, travel, and accommodation for the residential convening, are fully covered for selected participants.
Who Should Apply
Applications are open to women who are currently holding, or credibly pursuing, elected or appointed political office anywhere in Africa. Eligible profiles include:
- Electoral Cycle Leaders: Women from countries scheduled for presidential or parliamentary elections within the next 12–36 months, including declared candidates, parliamentary candidates, senior campaign strategists, and MPs seeking re-election or higher office.
- Sitting Political Leaders: Cabinet Ministers, Members of Parliament or Senate, Speakers and Deputy Speakers, Mayors and Governors, and senior political party leaders such as Secretaries General and Women’s League Leaders.
- Young Women Leaders: Women aged 21–35 with strong political leadership potential, including aspiring candidates at the local and national level and emerging leaders within political parties or public institutions.
The Academy strongly encourages nominations of women with disabilities and women from fragile or transitional political contexts.
Baseline Eligibility
- Female citizen of an African Union Member State
- Aged 21 or older at the time of nomination
- Demonstrated active engagement in political leadership or political ambition
- Formal endorsement from a government institution, recognised political party, NGO or relevant stakeholder
- Commitment to full participation in the programme and to post-Academy alumni engagement and peer mentoring
Selection: Merit-Based and Continentally Balanced
The 30 participants will be selected through a competitive, merit-based review by a joint panel comprising UNDP, the AUC, AWLN, and ASG. Selection is designed to ensure fairness, regional balance, political inclusivity, and strategic impact across the continent.
The inaugural cohort will reflect:
- Representation from all five African regions, with a maximum of two participants per country
- At least 60% of participants from countries facing elections within 12–36 months
- At least 40% young women leaders aged 21–35
- Linguistic diversity across Anglophone, Francophone, Lusophone, and Arabophone Africa
- Balance between executive, legislative, and party leadership roles, and between ruling and opposition parties
How to Apply
Government ministries, political parties, AU member state institutions, and civil society organisations are invited to submit nominations. Self-nominations supported by an institutional endorsement are also welcome.
Each nomination package must include:
- An official nomination or endorsement letter, signed by an authorised senior official, political party leader, NGO or recognised stakeholder
- The nominee’s curriculum vitae (maximum two pages)
- A personal statement from the nominee (maximum 1,000 words)
Africa’s next generation of women political leaders starts here. Apply online: Submit your application
Deadline for applications: 15 May 2026
Lusaka, Zambia | 21 April 2026 — The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), in partnership with the Gender Division, the Non‑Governmental Gender Organizations’ Coordinating Council (NGOCC), the Spotlight Initiative, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), the Zambia Centre for Interparty Dialogue (ZCID), and UN Women convened a three‑day High‑Level Conference on Accelerated Women’s Political Participation and Leadership in Zambia, ahead of the 2026 General Elections.
Anchored within UNDP’s Africa Facility for Women in Political Leadership (AFWPL), the conference provides a national platform for evidence‑based dialogue, political commitment, and coordinated action to address the structural barriers hindering women’s participation in politics. These include patriarchal norms, gender‑based violence, limited access to campaign financing, exclusion from political party decision‑making structures, and inadequate media visibility.
With just four years remaining to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, Zambia faces a critical challenge in achieving women’s full, equal, and effective participation in political leadership. Despite progressive policies and legal frameworks, women remain significantly underrepresented in decision‑making positions across the country.
In a speech read on his behalf by the Minister of Justice, Hon. Princess Kasune, the Republican President, Mr. Hakainde Hichilema, emphasized that inclusive governance is impossible without women’s leadership. The President noted that “when women participate fully, governance becomes more responsive and reflective of the realities of our people. When women lead, nations do not merely grow; they advance with purpose, balance, and vision.”
Publication date: 16 October 2025
Twenty-five years after the United Nations adopted Resolution 1325, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is both a landmark in diplomacy and a study in unfulfilled promise. Its most profound achievement has been to force open a conversation about the gendered power structures that fuel conflict. But that opening is narrowing. Escalating wars, a backlash against gender justice and a collapse in funding now threaten to strip the agenda of its transformative edge. The WPS agenda remains an essential tool for women peacebuilders. Whether it survives as a force for justice depends on whether the global community backs its principles with the resources and political will to make them real. Without that, the resolution’s 25th anniversary will mark the start of its decline, not its maturity.
This report was written by researchers from the Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH) and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR).
The report benefited from reviews by members of PHR staff, the PHR Advisory Council, and the PHR Board of Directors, as well as members of the OJAH Board of Directors.
The research team would like to recognize the strength and resilience of the survivors whose experiences and stories are reflected in this data, as well as the dedication of the health professionals who provided services and documented these violations—often at grave risk to their personal safety.
About Physicians for Human Rights (PHR)
Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) uses medicine and science to document and draw attention to human rights violations. PHR was founded on the belief that physicians and other health professionals possess unique skills that lend significant credibility to the investigation and documentation of human rights abuses.
In response to the scourge of sexual violence, PHR launched its Program on Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones in 2011. The program works to confront impunity for sexual violence in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Iraq, Kenya, Myanmar, and Ukraine.
PHR has conducted research to understand the scale and scope of conflict-related sexual violence in various conflicts and contexts, including in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Myanmar, and Sierra Leone.
About the Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH)
The Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH) is an independent and impartial organization dedicated to strengthening justice and accountability mechanisms in the Horn of Africa through evidence collection and preservation.
The organization’s mission is to deter war crimes, crimes against humanity, conflict-related sexual violence, and other severe human rights abuses across the Greater Horn of Africa. It pursues this mission by conducting documentation and investigations, advancing the environment for justice and accountability, preserving and analyzing materials, and supporting international justice and accountability actors and efforts.
Full report here.
This report advocates for thorough protection of human rights in the digital age, emphasizing the strength of constitutional safeguards over ordinary legislation. As digital technologies increasingly influence civil and political rights, online as well as offline, robust constitutional frameworks are essential to address new challenges such as unwarranted surveillance, censorship and data monopolies. Ensuring adequate constitutional protection helps anchor fundamental rights in an evolving digital landscape.
Click here to read the full report.
It’s been six months since the latest spark ignited mass protests in Iran — the death of 22-year-old Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa (Jina) Amini in morality police custody after she was arrested for allegedly failing to wear her hijab properly.
The outrage over her killing resulted in women-led protests. Their slogan “woman, life, freedom,” originally a Kurdish manifesto, has helped fuel the Iranian protesters’ demands for radical change.
Read more: Iranian women keep up the pressure for real change – but will broad public support continue?
The perseverance, bravery and determination of the Iranian protesters, particularly women and girls, have been heroic. Despite risks to their lives and freedoms due to a brutal government crackdown, many remain active in publicly articulating their grievances in a variety of ways.
In recent months, while some street presence has continued in Iran — for example, in response to the poisonings of schoolgirls in cities across the country — protesters are also organizing strikes, sit-ins, boycotts and publicizing their demands in the form of manifestos, charters and bills of rights.
In fact, a key distinguishing factor between the recent protests and the previous ones is that Iranians have been forming coalitions to advocate for important structural and institutional changes in support of equality, human rights, democracy and freedom.
Over the past two decades, the structures of social communication and public discourse have undergone profound transformations. The digital sphere has become a contested arena and a central space where identities are produced and symbolic and social meanings are shaped. It has also become a place where new subcultures emerge and existing hierarchies are often reinforced. Within this landscape, feminist and political movements have created counter-public spheres that enabled women and marginalized groups to break the monopoly of power over meaning, expose patriarchal violence, and build transnational networks of solidarity.
Such networks helped dismantle the ideological structures that sustained violence and victim-blaming for decades. The broader shifts in societal values unfolded alongside a surge of revolutionary consciousness across the Global South, which exposed the colonial and capitalist structures underpinning political and social life. This awakening was met, however, with intensified surveillance, repression, and the mobilization of power to resist change.
Digital surveillance cannot be understood simply as the use of technology by those in power. It reflects the transformation of the digital sphere itself into a disciplinary apparatus that reproduces colonial and neo-fascist modes of control. Once absorbed into a capitalist ownership structure monopolized by transnational corporations, the internet ceased to be a neutral space for knowledge or communication. It became an infrastructure of domination, where data and algorithms are deployed to sort, control, and exclude.
Algorithmic architectures reinforce hierarchies of language, gender, race, and class. Through mechanisms of digital moderation that reflect the logic of white, masculine, and capitalist privilege, feminist and anti-authoritarian content is systematically excluded. In this way, algorithms have become ideological tools that silence and erase voices deviating from the dominant norms enforced by structures of power.
Despite the progress made during decades of work by women’s rights organizations and democratic institutions, gender equality is still a long way off. There is a growing understanding that gender equality will only be achieved when men and women work together towards full gender equality and equal respect for the rights of all individuals and groups.
This paper presents nine policy and good practice recommendations to support diverse audiences in their work to include men in building a more gender-equal, peaceful, prosperous and democratic world.