Before January 14, 2011, al-Nahda was the main opposition group in Tunisia. No one, even its most severe critics, could question the fact that it was the most persecuted group in terms of the number of political prisoners, exiles, and disappearances. Its politics aside, al-Nahda did not shy away from challenging both the regime of Ben Ali and that of Bourguiba. For these reasons, some people with whom I talked in Tunisia contended that the win should be seen as a token of recognition on the part of the Tunisian voters for al-Nahda's struggles and sacrifices, not as a validation of its ideology. Be that as it may, that theory will be put to the test a year from now when the party competes again in parliamentarian and presidential elections. In order to understand al-Nahda's background, we ought to examine the background and views of key figures who won seats in the constituency assembly.
Many commentators did not pay attention to Tunisia's Nahda movement before the recent elections. So it is not surprising that when western journalists and political commentators began to notice it, their commentaries lacked context and depth. For example, some of those who noticed that 42 of the 49 women elected to the constituency assembly are members of the Islamist party have theorized that the inclusion of women is a ploy to allay fear that the movement would scale back women's rights. That may be partly true. Those familiar with the history of the movement, however, know that women have always played a leading role. The presence of Souad Abderrahim on top al-Nahda's list in Tunis 2 is a good reminder of the movement's past and a telling indicator of its future.
Read more on OpEdNews.com, published 8 November
Before January 14, 2011, al-Nahda was the main opposition group in Tunisia. No one, even its most severe critics, could question the fact that it was the most persecuted group in terms of the number of political prisoners, exiles, and disappearances. Its politics aside, al-Nahda did not shy away from challenging both the regime of Ben Ali and that of Bourguiba. For these reasons, some people with whom I talked in Tunisia contended that the win should be seen as a token of recognition on the part of the Tunisian voters for al-Nahda's struggles and sacrifices, not as a validation of its ideology. Be that as it may, that theory will be put to the test a year from now when the party competes again in parliamentarian and presidential elections. In order to understand al-Nahda's background, we ought to examine the background and views of key figures who won seats in the constituency assembly.
Many commentators did not pay attention to Tunisia's Nahda movement before the recent elections. So it is not surprising that when western journalists and political commentators began to notice it, their commentaries lacked context and depth. For example, some of those who noticed that 42 of the 49 women elected to the constituency assembly are members of the Islamist party have theorized that the inclusion of women is a ploy to allay fear that the movement would scale back women's rights. That may be partly true. Those familiar with the history of the movement, however, know that women have always played a leading role. The presence of Souad Abderrahim on top al-Nahda's list in Tunis 2 is a good reminder of the movement's past and a telling indicator of its future.
Read more on OpEdNews.com, published 8 November