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Croatia’s track-record on gender equality in science has been both questioned and lauded in recent months, following both bad and good news on the topic. On the one hand, a senior awards committee was announced without a single woman researcher included. On the other, the national science academy welcomed its first cohort of fellows with more women than men.

Members of the committee, which gives national awards recognising scientific achievement, are proposed by the ministry of science and endorsed by the parliament. The current line-up does include a woman, but she is culture minister Nina Obuljen Koržinek rather than a researcher. Even then, she didn’t make it into the photograph released to announce the appointments on April 16. 

“The image speaks a thousand words,” says Tanja Rudež, a science journalist for Jutarnji List newspaper. “I am surprised that none of these men, all well-known scientists, saw a problem with the fact that there was not a single successful female scientist on the committee,” she told Science|Business.

Ivan Đikić, a prominent Croatian biochemist based at Goethe University Medical School, commented on LinkedIn that the news illustrated a “sad truth” about the state of science in Croatia.

“It [. . .] reveals a system where women, despite contributing a substantial share of high-quality, internationally competitive science, are systematically excluded from the very processes that determine recognition and influence,” he wrote. 

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Women leaders and advocacy groups across Nigeria have intensified calls for greater support for female candidates ahead of the 2027 general elections.

They urged women to unite across political, ethnic and religious lines to boost female representation in elective offices.

The national president of the Women Wing of the Peace Revival and Reconciliation Foundation of Nigeria, Ramatu Tijjani, made this known in Kaduna.

Ms Tijjani congratulated women who emerged victorious in their respective party primaries and appealed to Nigerian women to support female candidates regardless of political affiliation.

She said increasing the number of women in elective positions was essential for strengthening democracy, promoting inclusive governance and accelerating national development.

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Seoul's district chief races remain heavily male-dominated ahead of the June 3 local elections, even as female candidates gain ground in neighboring Gyeonggi Province.

Among the 25 district chief races in the capital, the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and the main opposition People Power Party (PPP) have so far confirmed only two female candidates combined, both incumbent district heads seeking reelection.

The lack of new female contenders has renewed criticism that Seoul's political scene remains difficult for women to break into.

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The Centre has tabled three bills in the Lok Sabha during a three-day special session that began today (April 16). These bills – the Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty-First Amendment) Bill, 2026, the Delimitation Bill, 2026 and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment Bill), 2026 — are expected to cause a showdown in Parliament.

The opposition is up in arms over delimitation, which the government has linked to the implementation of reserving one-third of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and in the Legislative Assemblies of States and Union Territories (UTs). These bills aim to expedite the rollout of the women’s quota before the 2029 general elections.

Let’s take a closer look.

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In Bangladesh, the transition from a government job to a political career is not as straightforward as it ought to be. Under Section 12(1)(f) of the Representation of the People Order, 1972, government officials are eligible to contest parliamentary elections only after a period of three years—commonly known as a cooling-off period—has passed since their resignation or retirement from office. This provision is based on valid concerns, but its broad implementation raises significant issues regarding inclusivity and the future of political engagement, particularly for women.

The purpose of the cooling-off period is to deter people from using their positions, power, or privileged knowledge for gaining political advantage, and thus preventing perceived political patronage, misappropriation of public resources, and conflicts of interest. Additionally, it prevents former public employees from exploiting their previous positions for personal or political gain, especially by moving directly into a political role where they might receive disproportionate benefits. The concept of separation of powers and public trust could be undermined if civil servants were free to transition into political positions. As a result, the cooling-off period serves as a deterrent, strengthening accountability and safeguarding institutional integrity.

Although the provision’s intent is sound, its application might be sweeping and too basic. Not every public employee holds a position with substantial decision-making or executive power, access to confidential data, or the potential to influence political outcomes. For example, a government officer in grade 10, 11, or 12 might not be as influential as executives at the directorial level, especially if they held no administrative or policymaking responsibilities. These variations are not taken into consideration when the same three-year restriction is applied consistently to all levels of public service.

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This post is part of Global Voices’ April 2026 Spotlight series, “Human perspectives on AI.” This series will offer insight into how AI is being used in global majority countries, how its use and implementation are affecting individual communities, what this AI experiment might mean for future generations, and more. You can support this coverage by donating here.

A photograph began circulating across Bangladeshi social media on December 14, 2025, that would majorly influence the national election on February 12 — the first election since the July 2024 student-mass uprising toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government. The high-stakes vote was considered a penultimate test of whether Bangladesh could rebuild and realize its hopes for a free and fair democracy following the uprising.

The image showed Shadik Kayem, 27th Vice-President of Dhaka University Central Students’ Union, sitting across a small table from another man, apparently sharing tea in what looked like a casual meeting between acquaintances. The timing made the photograph explosive: just three days earlier, Osman Hadi, the coordinator of Inqilab Moncho (Revolution Platform), a cultural organization formed by people associated with the July 2024 student-mass uprising, had been shot in Dhaka, triggering immediate political controversy about who orchestrated the attack.

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Gender was an important factor in the 2022 election: it shaped the ways the major parties packaged their policies and their leaders. Three years later, as Australians grapple with an uncertain world and a cost-of-living crisis, how might gender shape the 2025 election result?

Ideas about gender have always shaped Australian politics, although male and female political alignments have shifted over time. For example, when Sir Robert Menzies established the Liberal Party in 1944, he crafted messages to appeal to women, in contrast with the Labor Party’s blue-collar masculinity.

By the 1970s and 1980s, as more women entered the workforce and pursued further education, they became more progressive in their voting habits. This trend is evident beyond Australia (for example in the US, and in Europe and Canada).

How gender influenced the 2022 election

Women’s issues were decisive in the last federal election. The gendered impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the emergence of Grace Tame as a fiery advocate for survivors of sexual abuse, and the Morrison government’s poor response to Brittany Higgins’ allegation of sexual assault enraged many women, who took the streets in the March for Justice in 2021.

Read here the full article published by The Conversation on 3 April 2025.

Image by The Conversation

 

Last year, an aura of possibility hovered in anticipation of around 60 elections that were held across the world. Today, we face the outcomes of ballot choices that continue to cap women’s political leadership at a global level, as the UN Women's latest report highlights a slowdown of equality between women and men in politics.

Moving the needle on political empowerment

Approximately half of the head of state elections held in 2024 had women running for the top job. Out of virtual parity however, there were three times as many men re-elected than women elected overall. In terms of gender, the balance is slightly more positive. While two economies saw female incumbents replaced by newly elected male candidates, in four economies, electorates chose women to succeed men as head of state. However, when it comes to volume, out of the Global Gender Gap Report’s most populous economies, three elected men, and only one elected a woman as head of state.

For the legislative sphere, results are mixed. Among economies with parliamentary elections in 2024, Mexico and Rwanda continue to lead in female representation, with 50% and 64% of seats won by women in their lower houses, respectively. Belgium, Iceland, Senegal, South Africa, and the UK, achieved just over 40% of female representation. However, 80% of legislatures elected in 2024 selected men to the role of speaker, keeping legislative leadership overwhelmingly male.

Most countries have tackled the lack of female representation in their political decision-making by implementing legal candidate quotas. While this approach increased the proportion of female candidates, no major impacts have been observed on the proportional representation among elected officials. Notably, only two economies achieved higher percentages of elected women compared to female candidates.

Click here to read the full article published by the World Economic Forum on 17 March 2025.

Image by WEF

 

Nearly half the world's population - 3.6 billion people - had major elections in 2024, but it was also a year that saw the slowest rate of growth in female representation for 20 years.

Twenty-seven new parliaments now have fewer women than they did before the elections - countries such as the US, Portugal, Pakistan, India, Indonesia and South Africa. And, for the first time in its history, fewer women were also elected to the European Parliament.

The BBC has crunched numbers from 46 countries where election results have been confirmed and found that in nearly two-thirds of them the number of women elected fell.

The data is from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) - a global organisation of national parliaments that collects and analyses election data.

There were gains for women in the UK, Mongolia, Jordan and the Dominican Republic, while Mexico and Namibia both elected their first female presidents.

However, losses in other places mean that the growth this year has been negligible (0.03%) - after having doubled worldwide between 1995 and 2020.

Read here the full article published by the BBC on 29 December 2024.

Image by BBC

 

Ahead of 2024, political experts and commentators were calling this “the year of democracy”. It was deemed a “make or break year”, as around 1.5 billion people went to the polls in more than 50 countries, which held significant elections.

For women, who are already underrepresented in global politics, there were some critical victories and losses. 

Based on statistics from UN Women alongside current election updates, Women’s Agenda has calculated there are 30 countries where 31 women serve as Heads of State and/or Government. Just 20 countries have a woman Head of State, and 17 countries have a woman Head of Government.

At the current rate, gender equality in the highest positions of power will not be reached for another 130 years.

As authoritarianism is on the rise worldwide as well, national elections grappled with challenges involving voter participation, free speech, and electoral independence. 

Here’s a look back at some of this year’s most influential election results for women.

Read here the full article published by the Women’s Agenda on 16 December 2024.

Image by Women’s Agenda

 

On Election Day, Donald Trump beat the second woman to ever win a major-party nomination for the presidency — just eight years after he beat the first. Did Kamala Harris’ loss this year, and Hillary Clinton’s loss in 2016, have anything to do with their gender? Or was it something else? We asked a group of leading women in journalism, politics and academia to explain why a woman has still not been elected president in the United States.

There is plenty of evidence that voters could have gendered biases that factored into their votes in 2016 and 2024, and our contributors know it well. One pointed to studies in which participants judged a personnel file with a woman’s name as less competent than that with a man’s name — and then, when more information was included to show her superior competence, the same participants found her more competent but less likeable.

There were others, though, who thought that gender might be at play, but not necessarily in a way that would make voters less likely to vote for a woman. “Harris didn’t lose the election because she’s a woman, but she was put into the position to lose this election because she was a woman,” one former Trump official wrote.

Many of the women blamed a mix — gender, yes, but gender combined with the Democratic Party’s failure to win working-class men and how voters see the party in general. “No woman in the United States has yet been able to clear that bar,” one contributor wrote. “The first to do so may well come from the right.”

Read here the full article published by Politico on 15 November 2024.

Image by Politico

 

In the final week of the US presidential election campaign, there is a real possibility a woman will make it into the top job. But why has it taken so long – and has Kamala Harris got what it takes to make history?

My research examines celebrated women in history and how, collectively, they represent women’s changing status in society. In particular, I have looked for the historical themes and patterns that explain the rise of the first elected women leaders.

Women in politics are generally assumed to be a minority, emerging from a position of disadvantage. When successful, they are considered exceptions in a masculine system that was previously out of bounds.

But due to the complex workings of gender, race, class and culture, it’s not quite that straightforward, as discussion of Harris’s biracial identity shows.

I have identified three broad groups of women who have succeeded in becoming elected leaders of their countries since Sirimavo Bandaranaike of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) became the world’s first female prime minister in 1960.

Does Kamala Harris fit within any of these groups? And, if so, based on the pattern so far, does she have what it takes to become president? Or does being a global superpower mean the US demands a new form of female leadership?

Read here the full article published by The Conversation on 28 October 2024.

Image by The Conversation