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Elections

A record number of women candidates are registered to stand in this month's general election in the Republic of Ireland, according to a campaign group.

Figures released by Women for Election suggest 247 women are running for seats across the country - a 53% increase on the last election in 2020.

The group analysed nominations published by the returning officers in all 43 constituencies, and described the figures as "phenomenal".

Nominations closed on Saturday. A total of 685 candidates will contest the election which will be held on 29 November.

Parties have been issued with a candidate gender quota, requiring them to have at least 40% men and 40% women on their ballots.

Those failing to reach that quota face a reduction of 50% in state funding.

The Women for Election group said Ireland was the 104th in the world in terms of the number of women in national parliaments.

It said the last Daíl (Irish parliament) had 37 women TDs (members of the Dáil) out of 160.

The total number of TDs due to be elected has increased to 174.

Read here the full article published by the BBC on 17 November 2024.

Image by BBC

 

On Election Day, Donald Trump beat the second woman to ever win a major-party nomination for the presidency — just eight years after he beat the first. Did Kamala Harris’ loss this year, and Hillary Clinton’s loss in 2016, have anything to do with their gender? Or was it something else? We asked a group of leading women in journalism, politics and academia to explain why a woman has still not been elected president in the United States.

There is plenty of evidence that voters could have gendered biases that factored into their votes in 2016 and 2024, and our contributors know it well. One pointed to studies in which participants judged a personnel file with a woman’s name as less competent than that with a man’s name — and then, when more information was included to show her superior competence, the same participants found her more competent but less likeable.

There were others, though, who thought that gender might be at play, but not necessarily in a way that would make voters less likely to vote for a woman. “Harris didn’t lose the election because she’s a woman, but she was put into the position to lose this election because she was a woman,” one former Trump official wrote.

Many of the women blamed a mix — gender, yes, but gender combined with the Democratic Party’s failure to win working-class men and how voters see the party in general. “No woman in the United States has yet been able to clear that bar,” one contributor wrote. “The first to do so may well come from the right.”

Read here the full article published by Politico on 15 November 2024.

Image by Politico

 

Toplines

U.S. Congress

Women in the 119th Congress: Thus far, 148 (109D, 39R) women will serve in the 119th Congress in 2025 (current record: 151, set in 2023). They will be at least 27.7% of all members of Congress. Currently, 151 (107D, 43R, 1Ind) women serve in the U.S. Congress, holding 28.2% of all seats. Five (3D, 2R) women candidates remain in congressional contests that are too close to call. 

Women in the U.S. Senate: Twenty-five (16D, 9R) women will serve in the U.S. Senate in 2025 (current record: 26, first set in 2020). They will be 25% of all members of the Senate. Currently, 25 (15D, 9R, 1Ind) serve in the U.S. Senate, holding 25% of all seats. 

Women in the U.S. House: Thus far, 123 (93D, 30R) women will serve in the U.S. House in 2025 (current record: 126, set in 2023). They will be at least 28.3% of all members of the U.S. House. Currently, 126 (92D, 34R) women serve in the U.S. House, holding 29% of all seats. Five (3D, 2R) women candidates remain in U.S. House contests that are too close to call.

Read here the full article published by CAMP on 14 November 2024.

Image by CAWP

 

Donald Trump’s victory was helped in no small part by the unexpected shift of support he received among Gen Z voters. 

While voters under the age of 30 still broke for Kamala Harris, her margin of victory was much smaller than the one enjoyed by President Joe Biden, who, according to a survey based on 2020 validated voter files, secured 59 percent of the youth vote compared with 35 percent of young voters who backed Trump. Depending on which exit poll you view, Trump improved his performance by between 8 points and 11 points among young voters compared with the 2020 race.

Trump’s performance with the nation’s youngest voters, however, was very uneven along gender lines. Analysis of the AP Vote Cast Survey by CIRCLE at Tufts University shows young women preferred Harris to Trump by an 18-point margin (58 percent to 40 percent), while young men broke for Trump by 15 points (56 percent to 42 percent). Trump’s gains among young male voters were particularly large, as a slight majority of men under 30 backed Joe Biden just four years ago.

Why did Trump do so much better among young men? 

Read here the full article published by The Hill on 13 November 2024.

Image by The Hill

 

Right now, we’re existing in an especially tense and unstable “in between.” 

We know what’s to come next January – yet at the same time, we have no idea what’s to come. Once-again President-elect Donald Trump has already promised mass deportations and a gutting of the Department of Education. His followers have already shown us shades of their callousness to come, in telling women that consent is now a matter of, in their disgusting words, “your body, my choice.” But we have no clue if there is a rock-bottom still looming below.

At present, I – and most every politically engaged progressive I’ve spoken with – is in a place of: “What can I do about it?” Some of us are taking quiet moments to regroup, to prepare bodies and minds and spirits for a long haul. And then there are people like me, who have spent the past week being rather vocal – encouraging others against the allure of quick fixes, while also howling against each new sign of injustice that crops up in the social media feeds we (fine, I) can’t quite step away from.

There is another option, though. As a number of the women candidates I’ve spoken with throughout 2024 have proposed, we might also consider running for office ourselves.

Read here the full article published by The Story of Exchange on 13 November 2024.

Image by The Story of Exchange

 

A notable number of women are contesting Sri Lankas general elections on Thursday, signalling a potential shift in the nation’s male-dominated political landscape, but analysts warn simply having more female candidates is not enough to transform the country’s leadership culture.

The rise in female candidates come as Sri Lankans prepare to elect the first parliament under the country’s inaugural leftist government, led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National People’s Power (NPP) party.

Dissanayake’s election in September, the first presidential vote after the country’s debilitating economic crisis in 2022, marked a pivotal moment in Sri Lanka’s political history. His rise ushered in a caretaker government and the appointment of Harini Amarasuriya as the nation’s third female prime minister.

Sri Lanka has a notable legacy of female leadership. In 1960, when the country was known as Ceylon, Sirimavo Bandaranaike was elected the world’s first woman prime minister. She took office after the assassination of her husband, then-Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike.

Read here the full article published by South China Morning Post on 13 November 2024.

Image by South China Morning Post

 

Women participation in different aspects of elections is increasing in Tanzania, but candidates still have to contend with many challenges, the Tanzania National Elections Gender Assessment report says. The report by the International Republican Institute (IRI), notes, however, that while the percentage of women representation through affirmative action is picking up, many of the women are still reluctant to go for competitive elective posts. The IRI notes in the report that the 2015 General Election saw noteworthy developments in the women's participation in politics. For more details, read the report here

Source: AllAfrica Global Media

In the 2014 elections in Malawi, the incumbent female president Joyce Banda lost the presidency, and the number of women MPs was reduced from 43 to 33. This decline in women representation came despite opinion polls showing strong support for women’s political rights and for equal gender representation in politics. Why has women’s representation gone down when public attitude surveys indicate strong support for women? Click here for the answer. 

By Tiyesere Mercy Chikapa, Lecturer of Public Administration and Human Resource Management, Department of Political and Administrative Studies (PAS), Chancellor College, University of Malawi.

Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) Brief, vol. 15 no. 6, 4 p.

Abstract: Though more than 100 countries have adopted gender quotas, the effects of these reforms on women's political leadership are largely unknown. We exploit a natural experiment—a 50–50 quota imposed by the national board of the Swedish Social Democratic Party on 290 municipal branches—to examine quotas’ influence on women's selection to, and survival in, top political posts. We find that those municipalities where the quota had a larger impact became more likely to select (but not reappoint) female leaders. Extending this analysis, we show that the quota increased the number of women perceived as qualified for these positions. Our findings support the notion that quotas can have an acceleration effect on women's representation in leadership positions, particularly when they augment the pool of female candidates for these posts. These results help dispel the myth that quotas trade short-term gains in women's descriptive representation for long-term exclusion from political power.

Click here to access the article. 

The authors:

Diana Z. O’Brien is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Indiana University.

Johanna Rickne is Research Fellow at the Research Institute of Industrial Economics and Affiliated Researcher at the Uppsala Center for Labor Studies.



Conventional knowledge on the effectiveness of gender quotas for enhancing women’s political participation has, to date, been unanimous on the superiority of quotas in proportional representation (PR) systems. Yet this view overlooks the many possible alternatives to implementing gender quotas in single-member district (SMD) systems. This paper studies gender quotas (or temporary special measures, TSMs) in SMD electoral systems. Drawing on case examples from Uganda, France, India and elsewhere, we refute the myth of the incompatibility of quotas in SMDs. Our research investigates and presents multiple ways in which quotas can be successfully implemented in SMDs.