Elections
During Nigeria’s election cycles, a particular kind of misinformation circulates alongside the usual false claims about candidates and voting procedures. These are narratives that target women specifically—fabricated scandals, manipulated images, and rumours designed to discredit female politicians and discourage women’s civic participation.
This gendered disinformation operates daily across Nigerian social media and WhatsApp groups, often going unchallenged because the tools to counter it rarely reach the women most affected.
On Friday, Brain Builders Youth Development Initiative launched MyAIFactChecker, a WhatsApp chatbot that allows users to verify information in English, Yoruba, Hausa, and Igbo. What distinguishes this tool from other fact-checking initiatives is not just its technology but its design philosophy: inclusion was treated as foundational rather than optional.
“Technology is only inclusive if inclusion is intentional,” said Sanni Alausa Issa, Communications Director of Brain Builders, at the launch event.
KATHMANDU, Jan 22: Amid the buzz of election fever in the chilly January air, candidates for the House of Representatives (HoR) election on March 5 have been enthusiastically filing their nominations. Yet, a closer look at the numbers tells a striking story: women candidates remain far too few.
Kul Bahadur GC, assistant spokesperson of the Election Commission (EC), says both new and established parties have failed to ensure gender inclusivity in this election. Women’s presence in national politics is still weak, and within parties, female members often lack influence. As a result, women make up only 11.35% of all candidates—a small rise from 9.3% in the 2079 BS election.
Out of 3,486 candidates for the 165 first-past-the-post, or direct, seats, 3,089 are men, 396 women, and 1 from another gender. Experts point to societal patriarchy and male-dominated political culture as key reasons, with men favored in election strategies and campaign resources.
Political parties were failing to reach a consensus on increasing women’s representation in parliament during discussions with the National Consensus Commission. At one stage, a proposal to nominate at least 5 per cent women candidates was tabled, to which most parties agreed.
Despite opposition from women’s rights activists, the July National Charter was finalised with the provision that 5 per cent of nominations would be allocated to women in the 13th Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament) election.
Although Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) agreed to the 5 per cent proposal during discussions with the consensus commission, the party has not adhered to this in this election. Jamaat-e-Islami has not nominated a single woman candidate in any constituency.
Women were at the forefront of the July 2024 uprising, but in the subsequently formed political structures, insecurity and social backlash gradually pushed them aside. Female students from universities across the country, including Dhaka University, were not only leading participants in the uprising, but they also became victims of attacks and lawsuits by law enforcement agencies. However, the number of female candidates in the post-uprising Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) election remained limited, and those who did contest faced extensive cyberbullying.
There were only 62 female candidates in the DUCSU election, accounting for merely 13 percent of the total candidates, even though 48 percent of DUCSU’s voters are female students.
Women’s participation in the Liberation War of 1971 was similarly undervalued in the post-war era. The title Birangana, rather than honouring their contributions, foregrounded the trauma and humiliation they had endured, while obscuring the critical roles they had played on the frontlines. This reflects a long-standing social failure to recognise women’s agency, a problem that persists to this day.
Despite decades of pledges to ensure women’s political empowerment, the upcoming national election paints a starkly different picture, with female representation on the ballot remaining alarmingly low.
More than 30 registered political parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami, have fielded no female candidates, leaving women to make up less than 4.5% of all aspirants in the 13th parliamentary election.
Of the 2,568 nomination papers submitted for the election, only 109 were filed by women—just 4.24 per cent of the total, according to data reviewed by UNB.
The election will see participation from 51 political parties, yet more than 30 of them, including Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, have failed to nominate even a single woman candidate, raising fresh concerns over gender inclusion in national politics.
After scrutiny, the Election Commission (EC) has validated 1,842 candidates, including 1,779 men and only 63 women, meaning women make up just 3.4 percent of the final candidates.
Later, 417 candidates regained their candidacies after appealing to the Election Commission. January 20 was the last day for the withdrawal of candidacies.
A 2025 Democracy International poll shows strong public demand in Bangladesh for greater political inclusion, with 96% supporting participation of persons with disabilities, 85% calling for better ethnic minority representation, and 81% backing stronger involvement of religious minorities.
The findings were unveiled at a roundtable titled "Priorities of All People in Politics and Government", jointly organised by Democracy International and The Business Standard at its Dhaka office, moderated by TBS associate editor Saleem Ahmed.
Catherine Cecil, Democracy International's Bangladesh chief of party, said inclusion is no longer optional but "a democratic necessity."
Abstract
Research on election violence often does not capture its psychological and gendered dimensions. Gender differences on the continuum of violence, as acknowledged in other fields, are applied here to election violence. Specifically, this article explores ways to unveil the forms of election violence that are hidden from the view of an external observer because they are either not carried out in public or not recognized as violence. Survey data and interview material was collected from men and women political candidates participating in the 2014 national elections in the Maldives. The study concludes that the continuum of violence is relevant for adequately assessing the full range of illegitimate acts used against men and women candidates to affect electoral races. Women candidates in the Maldives were more exposed than men candidates to threats and to verbal and figurative sexualized aggression.
Click here to read the full article published by Sage Journals on 12 March 2021.
Abstract
Are women more likely to quit politics after losing their first race than men? Women’s first-time candidacies skyrocketed in the wake of the 2016 presidential election. Yet we have little sense of the long-term impact of this surge in women candidates on women’s representation writ large: Inexperienced candidates are more likely to lose, and women might be especially discouraged by a loss. This might make the benefits of such a surge in candidacies fleeting. Using a regression discontinuity design and data that feature 212,805 candidates across 22,473 jurisdictions between 1950 and 2018, we find that women who narrowly lose these elections are no more likely to quit politics than men who narrowly lose. Drawing on scholarship on women’s lower political ambition, we interpret these findings to mean that women’s decision-making differs from men’s at the point of entry into politics—not at the point of reentry.
Click here to access the paper.
Executive Summary
2020 marked the historic election of Vice President Kamala Harris as the first woman, first Black person, and first South Asian person to be vice president. But women’s political success in 2020 was not limited to the presidential level. After a record year for women in election 2018, the 2020 election marked continued progress for women in waging candidacies and winning elections at the congressional and state legislative levels. Unlike the historic victories for Democratic women in 2018, women’s legislative gains in 2020 were concentrated among Republicans. After a year of decline in representation across levels of office as a result of election 2018, Republican women rebounded in 2020 elections to reach new highs in legislative representation in 2021. Still, they continue to be the minority of women and of Republican legislators.
Measuring women’s electoral success means placing 2020 outcomes into historical and contemporary context. That is the work of this report. In addition to breaking down 2020 congressional and state legislative data by gender, race, and party and providing specific comparisons to the 2018 election, this report evaluates progress for women in electoral politics by looking beyond the numbers. The 2020 election reveals – via candidate paths to office and strategies for success – both maintenance and disruption of the gender and intersectional dynamics that have historically contributed to women’s political underrepresentation.
Click here to access the report published by the Center for American Women and Politics.
Elections in 2020 were profoundly marked by the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in delays and cancellations, logistical challenges for candidates and election administrators and often low turnout. Women’s leadership was frequently in the spotlight during the pandemic. The pandemic raised complex and deeply gendered challenges for citizens and created obstacles for MPs to communicate and engage directly with their constituents. It changed the ways parliaments operate, introducing flexibility and new technologies. A substantial number of MPs across the globe were infected, many lost their lives.
Click here to access the report.
Source: IPU
Within the next two years, 38 states will hold gubernatorial elections, including two states - Virginia and New Jersey – who will hold gubernatorial elections in November 2021. These elections provide multiple opportunities for women. Nine women currently serve as governor and just 44 women have ever served in gubernatorial office in U.S. history. Candidates, including some potential women candidates, are already jockeying for the governors’ offices.
But running for office isn’t the only way women can participate in politics and wield power. Political donations provide critical resources that help candidates win elections and they signal that a candidate has support and the potential to be competitive. Furthermore, research finds that candidates and party leaders are more attentive to the interests of political donors. The 2018 and 2020 election cycles demonstrated that women are emerging as a significant force as political donors, and the 2021 and 2022 races present an opportunity for women to flex that power and make their mark in gubernatorial elections.
In The Money Hurdle in the Race for Governor, co-authors Kira Sanbonmatsu, Kathleen Rogers, and I note the dearth of women governors and the challenges women candidates face in seeking gubernatorial office. Our research also reveals that women’s giving in gubernatorial elections hasn’t reached its potential. Women make up a majority of the American electorate and vote at higher rates than men yet have lagged behind in terms of political giving. That tide may be turning.
Click here to read the full article published by the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) on 14 January 2021.
This study applied a conceptual framework that uses a comparative and gendered approach to estimate the cost of politics, using a set of pre-identified variables regularly incurred by both candidates seeking political office and elected representatives while in office. This consideration was in line with the notion that analysis of election delivery and management should not be looked at in the realm of an event but rather as a cycle. The conceptual framework enabled the research team to arrive at both statistical and qualitative evidence regarding the cost of politics in Uganda.
Click here to see the report.