Skip to main content

Parliaments & Representatives

Online trolling and harassment are increasingly affecting how women participate in politics in Namibia, with some politicians saying the abuse has led to self-censorship, anxiety and reduced engagement on public platforms.

Minister of information and communication technology Emma Theofelus says online abuse directed at women in politics is contributing to women limiting their public participation.

“Yes. Of course. No doubt,” Theofelus says when asked whether online trolling is silencing Namibian women in politics.

“Many women in politics are practicing self-censorship by limiting their engagement on social media platforms,” she says.

According to Theofelus, misogynistic attacks against women politicians are often intended to undermine their credibility rather than promote meaningful political discussion.

Full article.

As Armenia moves toward another electoral cycle, the issue of women’s political participation has once again returned to the center of public debate. Political parties speak of inclusivity, electoral quotas are revisited in campaign rhetoric, and public statements emphasize the importance of “equal opportunities.” Yet beneath this familiar discourse lies a more complicated reality. Despite two decades of legislative reforms and a visible increase in the number of women in public office, Armenian politics remains overwhelmingly shaped by male dominance, while women’s participation is often more symbolic than substantive.

The contradiction is striking. On paper, Armenia has made measurable progress. Women today occupy positions that were historically inaccessible to them, including roles in the judiciary, law enforcement and the executive branch. Yet the political culture itself remains deeply patriarchal — and frequently hostile toward women who attempt to enter it. Female politicians are not judged solely on ideology, competence or political strategy. Instead, they are often forced to navigate public scrutiny over their appearance, personal relationships, marital status and motherhood. The result is a system in which representation may be increasing numerically, but the underlying logic of power remains largely unchanged.

Full article.

In 2025, women held 33.6% of the seats in national parliaments across the EU, marking a 5.4 percentage points (pp) increase compared with 2015. Latvia fared slightly worse than this at 31% – despite famously having more women than men than anywhere else, as a proportion of the population. 

Finland (46.0%), Sweden (44.8%) and Denmark (44.7%) had the highest shares of female representatives in parliament in 2025, while Cyprus (14.3%), Hungary (15.6%) and Romania (22.0%) had the lowest.

When it comes to women in government, Latvia does a bit better. Across Europe, women held 31.9% of national government seats, an increase of 4.2 pp compared with 2015. In Latvia the share was 36% – up from a lowly 17% in 2015. It's also worth recording that Latvia's Prime Minister and Parliamentary speaker are both women.

The share of women in government was highest in Finland (60.0%). Parity was achieved in Sweden (50.0%), and in France, almost half of the members of national governments were female (48.6%). 

In contrast, Hungary had no women in its national government, Romania had only 10.5% and Czechia 11.8%. 

In most EU countries, the share of women in national governments has grown since 2015.  Finland recorded the largest increase (+26.7 pp), followed by Lithuania (+20.4 pp) and Estonia (+17.5 pp). Decreases were registered in 6 EU countries: Romania (-24.5 pp), Slovenia (-7.7 pp), Czechia (-5.8 pp), the Netherlands (-4.2 pp), Belgium (-1.1 pp) and Poland (-0.8 pp). 

Full article.

Catherine Juvinao Clavijo is a Colombian congresswoman, journalist, and civic activist currently serving as Representative to the Chamber for Bogotá with the Alianza Verde party. Since her election to Congress in 2022, she has championed initiatives focused on transparency, accountability, the fight against political privilege, the protection of women and children, as well as education reforms and oversight of public officials. In her interview, Catherine shares some of the challenges she faced as a woman in politics but also highlight the important legislative wins and achievements for gender parity in Colombia.

Catherine Juvinao the calling of politics early on. “I probably knew that politics was my path from the age of six,” she recalls. “My father, who is my political role model, taught me what it meant to feel pain at injustice. I saw him cry for the first time when presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán was assassinated. From that moment, I understood that those of us who have had privileges, family, home, food, education, have a personal, ethical, and moral duty to fight so that everyone has the same opportunities.”

Her conviction is clear: “We cannot settle for living in privilege. When some of us break through glass ceilings, we must do everything we can to level the playing field for the rest of society.”

Full article.

NAIROBI, Kenya, May 25 (IPS) - The theme of Africa Day 2026, “63 years of unity, integration and development,” offers a stark reminder of the gap that often exists between rhetoric and reality. While commendable regional legal frameworks have advanced legal protections for millions of women and girls, injustice remains written into the fabric of national family laws in many African countries, entrenching gender inequality in the home.

Such is the reality for the young woman in Kampala whose marriage was never legally registered and who, in the eyes of the State, does not exist as a wife.

For the woman in Lagos whose husband took their children after a divorce she did not want, and the law backed him.

For the Muslim widow in Nairobi who cannot inherit the home she shared with her husband for thirty years because property passes to his male relatives.

Full article.

Over the last decade, a new threat to democracy has emerged in the form of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV). While women in politics and LGBTQI+ people have long faced barriers to their participation in public life rooted in unequal gender norms, the scale and spread of TFGBV poses a significant threat to democracies worldwide because of its silencing and chilling effects.

Political parties have a primary role to play in tackling online violence against women and gender diverse politicians. While the prevalence and impact of TFGBV, such as coordinated disinformation campaigns, deepfake image-based sexual abuse or trolling are well documented, many parties are still building their knowledge on how to respond effectively and have not put in place internal practices and policies that respond to the rapidly evolving, poorly regulated digital ecosystem.  

In order to promote and protect fair and democratic participation in politics, this ALIGN Report explores what political parties are doing in response to TFGBV and what factors shape their action. The findings, based on existing literature and interviews with gender and politics professionals, indicate there are three sets of factors which donors, civil society and practitioners should consider when designing action to support political parties to respond to TFGBV internally. These are: (1) gender norms; (2) socio-political environment; and (3) internal party factors.

Full article.

Feminist scholars and advocates have long asserted that women’s rights and gender equality are fundamental prerequisites for democratic governance. The close correlation between women’s rights and democracy is becoming increasingly evident, as the erosion of women’s rights often signals early and unmistakable signs of democratic backsliding and the rise of authoritarianism worldwide (Allam 2019; Arat 2022; Chenoweth and Marks 2022). A gendered analysis of state institutions, policymaking, and elections provides crucial insights into the historical fluctuations in women’s rights and, by extension, the overall quality of democracy (Tajali 2022).

An overview of sexist repression in Iran highlights the depth of autocratic entrenchment, as evidenced by increasing gender-based repression and violence. These assaults on women’s fundamental rights are not new but are deeply rooted in the ideologies of Islamic fundamentalism, which have institutionalized patriarchal dominance and systemic gender discrimination (Hoodfar and Sadr 2010; Paidar 1995; Tajali 2024b). This analysis also exposes the contentious relationship between authoritarian elites and feminist advocates, who refuse to remain passive in the face of such attacks.

Feminist movements resisting systemic gender discrimination pose a significant threat to the Iranian regime, resulting in violent crackdowns on women’s rights advocates. A recent example is the regime’s harsh response to the nonviolent “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests, triggered by the killing of 22-year-old Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Jina Amini in September 2022 while in police custody for allegedly violating Iran’s conservative hijab laws. To reassert control, the conservative-dominated Iranian parliament passed a controversial Hijab and Chastity bill in September 2023. This bill introduces harsher penalties for improper veiling, utilizing enhanced surveillance and artificial intelligence to identify those who defy mandatory hijab laws.

While the bill awaits approval from the unelected Guardian Council, Iranian authorities launched the “Noor (Light) Operation” in April 2024, enforcing the bill’s provisions through violent crackdowns on improperly veiled women and girls.

Full article here.

 

Global and regional commitments over the last thirty years provide solid support for promoting gender equality in politics. In recent years, the growth of women’s representation has stagnated, and the OSCE region is now witnessing escalating narratives against gender equality, which are having a detrimental effect on women’s political participation. Temporary special measures are being abolished, and no new ones are being introduced. Political polarization is steadily increasing, while sexism and violence against women in politics is pervasive, impacting female politicians’ decisions on whether to run for office, advocate certain policy solutions or leave their elected posts.

In this publication, ODIHR presents a seven-step roadmap for OSCE participating States — their parliaments, governments, political parties and other state agencies — to work towards achieving gender parity. It complements the results of the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s 2025 Global Conference of Women Parliamentarians with its visionary approach to parity as parity in numbers, influence and culture. These steps aim to inspire participating States to draft their own, national roadmaps to gender parity, tailored to their specific circumstances and needs.

Full report available here.

 

Extract

The 2024 elections made US history in numerous ways. Vice President Kamala Harris became the first Black and South Asian woman to be nominated by a major party for the presidency. Former president Donald Trump made history by becoming the oldest person and the first convicted felon to become president. 2024 marked the first presidential election following the historic Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision in 2022.

The 2024 elections made US history in numerous ways. Vice President Kamala Harris became the first Black and South Asian woman to be nominated by a major party for the presidency. Former president Donald Trump made history by becoming the oldest person and the first convicted felon to become president. 2024 marked the first presidential election following the historic Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision in 2022.

We asked leading experts in the field to reflect on the gender and racial dynamics of the 2024 election cycle and consider which aspects of the election are illuminated by gender scholarship. We asked what theories help explain the dynamics of the campaigns, voting behavior, and the outcome, as well as which election aspects were unanticipated. We asked about the larger lessons and challenges for the study of gender, LGBTQ+ identities, race/ethnicity, elections, and politics. As Politics & Gender celebrates its 20th anniversary, we wanted to know what new questions should be addressed and whether new theories about gender and US elections are needed.

Full article available here.

 

ABSTRACT

While gender quotas in politics have received considerable scholarly debate, much of the focus remains on whether quota-elected women are less qualified due to their pre-election background. Far less attention has been given to their actual parliamentary performance and how it compares to their non-quota peers. This study uses UK parliamentary records between 2005 and 2017 to compare the parliamentary activity of Labour women selected via All-Women Shortlists (AWS) with those selected via the traditional Open-List. Parliamentary activity is measured through contributions in spoken debate, rebellion rates, submission of written questions, and vote attendance, alongside an examination of AWS women’s commitment to women’s substantive representation. The results show that AWS women were equally active in most parliamentary channels, but they were more active in submitting written questions and speaking about women’s issues during debates compared to their Open-List counterparts. Consequently, the findings refute claims that AWS women are less active or underperform in Parliament, demonstrating that they perform as well as, or better than, their Open-List counterparts across all measures. These results should encourage the broader adoption of quotas in other UK political parties.

Full article published by Taylor & Francis here.

 

Americans are deeply divided about the use of quotas in hiring and education, but quotas are used in many countries to assure a balance of power between men and women in legislative bodies. New research co-authored at UC Berkeley finds that when governments are gender-balanced, people believe the political process and policy outcomes are more fair and democratic.

In a major study that included 17,000 people in a dozen countries—in Europe, the Pacific and the Americas—researchers found overwhelming support for a balance of representation between men and women, even when quotas are needed to achieve it. The U.S. and the U.K. don't use such quotas for national office, but even so, respondents in the study saw strong benefit, said Berkeley political scientist Amanda Clayton, the lead author.

The most important finding "is that citizens in democracies around the world strongly prefer women's equality to women's exclusion, regardless of how the equality is achieved," Clayton said in an interview.

Full article published by Phys on 22 May 2025.

Image by Phys

 

Online Gender-Based Violence (OGBV) has become a pervasive threat in the digital age. It undermines democratic processes, silences marginalised voices, and perpetuates systemic inequality. Harassment, threats, and abuse—both online and offline—have become so common that women and gender-minoritised people often view them as “the cost of doing politics.” As a result, 21 percent of women parliamentarians in Europe said that they did not want to pursue another term in office.

This briefing is part of a series examining OGBV on TikTok in English, German, French and Hungarian. It is part of a project titled ‘Monitoring Online Gender Based Violence Around the European Parliament Election 2024’, funded by the German Federal Foreign Office.

This report summarises ISD’s findings across key issue areas and offers evidence-based recommendations for creating safer, more inclusive online spaces that uphold democratic values. ISD’s findings demonstrate that addressing OGBV requires a holistic approach – one that not only strengthens content moderation but also tackles the underlying social norms and biases that enable online gender-based violence.

Article published by the Institute of Strategic Dialogue on 19 May 2025.

Image by Institute of Strategic Dialogue