Parliaments & Representatives

Like most households, mine has a morning routine.

As we wait for our baby to wake, my partner makes me a coffee and I open an app designed to shield me from the worst of the internet. It has become as routine as checking my emails.

Social Protect automatically filters and deletes sexist, abusive and threatening comments directed at me across social media platforms. Some days, it removes thousands of comments before I even see them.

But I still check it.

I scroll through what has been caught to identify anything that needs to be escalated to police or security. A good day is when there is only sexist abuse. A bad day is when there are death threats, wishes of sexual violence or detailed fantasies about harming me.

Since becoming a mother six months ago, there are also often messages targeting my family.

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The 2020 U.S. Census found that Asian Americans were the fastest-growing segment of the U.S. population.1 Yet women and politics scholarship dedicated to Asian American women has been limited. In part, this situation may reflect the underrepresentation of Asian American women as officeholders in comparison to their presence in the population.2 Today Asian American women constitute nearly four percent of the U.S. population.3 The group “Asian Americans,” as defined by the U.S. Census, comprise people with origins throughout Asia – including from East Asia and the Indian subcontinent – with Chinese, Indian, and Filipino the largest population groups.4 Although scholars find that Asian Americans are more likely to self-identify with their ethnic origin group on surveys, many Asian Americans identify with the panethnic label “Asian American.”5

“Asian American women,” like Asian Americans as a group, are extremely heterogeneous; internal differences include language, immigration status, nativity, education, and income, in addition to national origin.6 Yet, grouping women analytically as “Asian American women” takes into account the historic processes of racialization and gendering that can create shared experiences and viewpoints.7

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Dittmar, Kelly, Kira Sanbonmatsu, and Paru Shah. 2026. CAWP Research Inventory on Gender & Politics. Center for American Women and Politics, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ.

Online trolling and harassment are increasingly affecting how women participate in politics in Namibia, with some politicians saying the abuse has led to self-censorship, anxiety and reduced engagement on public platforms.

Minister of information and communication technology Emma Theofelus says online abuse directed at women in politics is contributing to women limiting their public participation.

“Yes. Of course. No doubt,” Theofelus says when asked whether online trolling is silencing Namibian women in politics.

“Many women in politics are practicing self-censorship by limiting their engagement on social media platforms,” she says.

According to Theofelus, misogynistic attacks against women politicians are often intended to undermine their credibility rather than promote meaningful political discussion.

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As Armenia moves toward another electoral cycle, the issue of women’s political participation has once again returned to the center of public debate. Political parties speak of inclusivity, electoral quotas are revisited in campaign rhetoric, and public statements emphasize the importance of “equal opportunities.” Yet beneath this familiar discourse lies a more complicated reality. Despite two decades of legislative reforms and a visible increase in the number of women in public office, Armenian politics remains overwhelmingly shaped by male dominance, while women’s participation is often more symbolic than substantive.

The contradiction is striking. On paper, Armenia has made measurable progress. Women today occupy positions that were historically inaccessible to them, including roles in the judiciary, law enforcement and the executive branch. Yet the political culture itself remains deeply patriarchal — and frequently hostile toward women who attempt to enter it. Female politicians are not judged solely on ideology, competence or political strategy. Instead, they are often forced to navigate public scrutiny over their appearance, personal relationships, marital status and motherhood. The result is a system in which representation may be increasing numerically, but the underlying logic of power remains largely unchanged.

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Catherine Juvinao Clavijo is a Colombian congresswoman, journalist, and civic activist currently serving as Representative to the Chamber for Bogotá with the Alianza Verde party. Since her election to Congress in 2022, she has championed initiatives focused on transparency, accountability, the fight against political privilege, the protection of women and children, as well as education reforms and oversight of public officials. In her interview, Catherine shares some of the challenges she faced as a woman in politics but also highlight the important legislative wins and achievements for gender parity in Colombia.

Catherine Juvinao the calling of politics early on. “I probably knew that politics was my path from the age of six,” she recalls. “My father, who is my political role model, taught me what it meant to feel pain at injustice. I saw him cry for the first time when presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán was assassinated. From that moment, I understood that those of us who have had privileges, family, home, food, education, have a personal, ethical, and moral duty to fight so that everyone has the same opportunities.”

Her conviction is clear: “We cannot settle for living in privilege. When some of us break through glass ceilings, we must do everything we can to level the playing field for the rest of society.”

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