Political Parties
Countries with women as head of state or government: Twenty-six UN member states have a female head of state or government (excluding monarchs, interim leaders and members of collective leadership bodies). That is two more than last year, but lower than the all-time high of thirty countries in 2023. Women today lead 13.5 percent of UN member states. In terms of the number of leaders, Iceland and Trinidad and Tobago have women as both head of state and head of government. Counting President Vjosa Osmani of Kosovo, which is not recognized by the UN, a total of twenty-nine women serve as president or prime minister.
In 2025, several women leaders left office: Sandra Mason (Barbados), Željka Cvijanović (Bosnia and Herzegovina), Katerina Sakellaropoulou (Greece), Xiomara Castro (Honduras), Dina Boluarte (Peru), Fiame Naomi Mata’afaa (Samoa), Paetongtarn Shinawatra (Thailand), and Victoire Tomegah Dogbe (Togo). Looking ahead, Laura Fernández Delgado, elected president of Costa Rica, will be inaugurated in May and several women are candidates in upcoming elections.
This year’s South Australian election campaign has been fought on familiar issues: cost of living, health, housing and regional services. But beneath the policy debates, something more consequential is taking shape: a shift in who is stepping forward to lead.
Recent polling suggests the political landscape heading into 2026 may be more stable than volatile. The governing Labor Party appears to be entering the election from a position of relative strength, meaning the contest may be less a matter of dramatic electoral swings and more how the parliamentary map evolves around the margins.
Those margins matter. In elections where the overall result appears comparatively settled, attention often turns to the individual seats where new candidates emerge, long-held electorates become competitive and the composition of parliament quietly shifts.
It is not news to me that women in politics are targeted differently to men. But the frightening and specific stories I heard at the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in New York last month left me with tears rolling down my cheeks.
An MP in Uganda has men regularly visit her kids’ school, warning their mum to “shut her mouth”. A Thai candidate was targeted by 926 fake Twitter accounts established to attack her character and undermine her anti-corruption campaign. A woman councillor in Brazil was murdered as a warning to others not to speak up against police and militia violence in Rio de Janeiro. A UK MP, Jo Cox, was shot and stabbed outside a library by a man yelling “this is for Britain”.
MALAYSIA must urgently increase women’s participation in Parliament after falling behind several Middle Eastern and African countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Rwanda, the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat has said.
Dewan Rakyat Speaker Tan Sri Johari Abdul noted that women currently make up only about 13 per cent of Malaysia’s Members of Parliament, well below the national target of 30 per cent and far behind international benchmarks.
“Today, the percentage of women Members of Parliament in Malaysia is only around 13 per cent,” he said.
He contrasted this with other countries, pointing out that “the UAE exceeds 30 per cent, Rwanda has reached 50 per cent, and Saudi Arabia has achieved 30 per cent representation in the Shura Council”.
Johari said the shortfall could not be separated from the hostile political environment faced by women, particularly in the age of social media.
Six political parties in The Gambia have pledged to enhance women’s representation in the country’s political landscape.
The commitment was made during a panel discussion on Tuesday at the SDJK Conference Center, organized by International IDEA in collaboration with political parties. The discussion focused on the low representation of women within political party structures and the need for a quota system.
Essa Faal, Party Leader of the Alliance for Patriotic Progress (APP), emphasized the importance of translating commitments into action. “Our commitments should not just be empty rhetoric. Since the inception of our party in 2021, we have maintained a principled decision to have a 50-50 cabinet, ensuring equal representation of men and women if elected. We also aim for a balance between youth and middle-aged members,” he said.
Faal added that inclusiveness is essential for addressing issues affecting women and youth effectively.
A representative of the Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) highlighted that the party’s 2017 constitution includes a code of conduct promoting gender inclusion in all aspects of political participation. He noted that women play a pivotal role in national development and called for their empowerment.
Across Europe, cases of alleged sexual harassment and assault involving individuals of migrant background have, in recent years, moved beyond the realm of criminal justice alone. They have evolved into a broad debate affecting politics, social cohesion, public order, and security. From the United Kingdom to Denmark, from Germany to Turkey, these discussions place women’s and children’s safety at the center, while simultaneously fueling a sharper and more polarized anti-immigrant discourse.
Experts warn that the issue is increasingly trapped between two dangerous extremes: on the one hand, the risk of downplaying or concealing real crimes; on the other, the danger of collectively criminalizing entire social groups.
United Kingdom: The “Pink Ladies” Protests
In the UK, a women’s group organized under the name “Pink Ladies” has drawn public attention by staging protests in front of hotels temporarily housing asylum seekers and migrants. Citing allegations of harassment and sexual assault against women and teenage girls, the group is calling for the closure of these facilities. Demonstrations held in cities such as London and Falkirk emphasize what protesters describe as the systematic neglect of women’s safety¹.
However, a number of women’s rights advocates argue that such protests risk instrumentalizing the fight against sexual violence and inadvertently reinforcing xenophobia². The controversy has once again brought to the forefront the fragile balance between protecting women’s safety and avoiding racist or exclusionary narratives.
Issues Surrounding the Quota System in Local Taiwan Government
Days before the second session of the 11th Legislative Yuan (立法院) came to a close, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, 民進黨) lawmaker Fan Yun (范雲) drew attention to the role of women in Taiwan politics when she called upon both women’s groups and fellow legislators to enact changes to Taiwan’s Local Government Act (地方制度法). The request was that the legislature’s Internal Administration Committee (內政委員會)—which is tasked with monitoring administration policies of the legislative and executive bodies—propose amendments that would raise the existing male-to-female ratio within municipal elected bodies from 1:4 to 1:3. (Article 33 of the Act currently calls for a woman representative or councilor for every four seats in special municipalities, counties, cities, and townships, but no clear formula if there are fewer than four seats.)
The Act, which was last amended in 1999, was forward-thinking at the time. However, as Fan Yun pointed out, the law didn’t guarantee the presence of women in smaller municipal or local councils which hold fewer elected seats, and this has translated into all-male representation in local governments. Radio Taiwan International reports that as many as 40 constituencies in 135 council districts have no women in office. Because of this, amendments to the Act would bring a better gender balance to Taiwan’s governing bodies—one that is already reflected among representatives from Taiwan’s urban centers.
Kaohsiung City Councillor Cherry Tang (湯詠瑜) has commented that, “The quota system has been instrumental in securing the presence and representation of female voices in politics over time, [and] I think it has led to a significant increase in female representation. For example, [and] according to my understanding, in the central level, Legislative Yuan, women currently make up around 40 percent of the members… I think these figures reflect the positive impact of [the] quota system in paving the way for women to participate actively in [the] decision making process.” [1]
That a gender divide exists between male and female politicians here in Taiwan might come as a surprise—even to those who follow Taiwan politics closely. After all, Taiwan did have Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), who served two terms as president from 2016 to 2024. Its electorate has also chosen two women to serve as vice president: Annette Lu Hsiu-lien (呂秀蓮) from 2000-2004, and Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴), elected in 2024. Further, as of January 2024, 47 out of 113 elected members in parliament—or about 41.59 percent—are women. Hsiao has since called for that figure to rise to 50 percent.
Click here to read the full article published by the Global Taiwan Institute on 19 February 2025.
Image by Global Taiwan Institute
This publication explains gender equality in political life in terms of access, voice and transformation and provides guidance on how to conduct a national assessment of gender equality in political life and on how to develop a national action plan based on the findings of the assessment.
The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.
Read here the full publication posted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 12 September 2024.
Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
This publication, intended for gender equality and party development experts from political parties across the OSCE region and beyond, complements ODIHR's online gender audit tool and provides practical guidance on how to conduct gender audits and implement gender action plans.
The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.
Read here the full article published by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 8 August 2024.
Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
As we navigate the complexities of the 21st century, women’s political participation and representation remain pivotal to building robust democracies and inclusive decision-making processes. In 2024, a historic milestone will be reached as 1.3 billion women across more than 60 countries exercise their right to vote. This unprecedented participation underscores the critical importance of addressing the barriers that still hinder women's full engagement in political life.
A pressing issue in the development space, particularly in women's development, is the often-missing dialogue between scholars and practitioners. Farida Jalalzai, PhD, in her role at Virginia Tech, has frequently highlighted this gap, emphasizing the need for a more integrated approach. Similarly, Farhat Haq, PhD, in her role at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) continues to emphasize the need for further inquiry and data in contextualizing women’s role in public spaces. As someone who straddles both worlds, I have witnessed firsthand the challenges and opportunities that arise when theory meets practice.
My career has afforded me unique insights into these dynamics. I have served as one of the youngest women in an executive cabinet in St. Louis County, been a board member for national organizations, and participated in local decision-making as an advisory committee member. These roles have exposed me to the systemic barriers, power dynamics, and patriarchal structures that women must navigate. As we rebuild from the failures of old systems, it is imperative to reimagine "inclusion"—not merely as a buzzword but as a fundamental principle guiding leadership, engagement, and participation.
Read here the full article published by The Friday Times on 30 July 2024.
Image by The Friday Times
Why do women continue to be under-represented in politics? The causes of this democratic deficit are well-studied, with women’s under-representation (and men’s over-representation) a combination of who comes forward for office and what obstacles are placed in their path.
Much popular and academic discussion around why women might not come forward has centred on political ambition—their interest in running for, and holding, elected office.
Click here to read the full article published by Social Europe on 27 October 2023.
Preventing Violence Against Women in Politics – Benchmarks for Political Parties (2022) is a joint paper by democracy organisations working with political parties, which presents interventions for political parties on how to prevent and address any form of violence against women in politics (VAWIP) in order to strengthen women’s participation and representation in politics and political decision-making.
The paper is produced by Demo Finland, International IDEA, The Oslo Center and The National Democratic Institute (NDI) as part of the Political Party Peer Network (PPPeer).
Click here to access the report.