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Political Parties

Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu made headlines in April after coasting to a second term in office by nearly 12 percentage points. Imamoglu, who has served at the city’s helm since 2019, is seen as a major political threat to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP). The latest win in Istanbul cemented Imamoglu’s continued popularity among the Turkish public.

But Imamoglu is only the most prominent face of a broader opposition, led by the Republican People’s Party (CHP). In March’s municipal elections, the CHP secured its most crushing victory over the AKP in decades. Possibly more notable than Imamoglu’s reelection was the newly elected class of women executives of provinces and districts across the country.

One of these women—Sinem Dedetas—may hold the keys to the future of Turkey’s opposition. Imamoglu is currently battling slander charges in the country’s high court, in addition to a slew of other cases that could eventually ban him from politics, even as he is the favorite to run for the CHP in Turkey’s 2028 presidential election. No matter how those fortunes play out, Dedetas promises to be central to the party’s strategy in a post-Erdogan Turkey.

Read here the full article published by Foreign Policy on 23 September 2024.

Image credits: Foreign Policy

 

This publication explains gender equality in political life in terms of access, voice and transformation and provides guidance on how to conduct a national assessment of gender equality in political life and on how to develop a national action plan based on the findings of the assessment.

The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.

Read here the full publication posted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 12 September 2024.

Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

 

This publication, intended for gender equality and party development experts from political parties across the OSCE region and beyond, complements ODIHR's online gender audit tool and provides practical guidance on how to conduct gender audits and implement gender action plans.

The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.

Read here the full article published by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 8 August 2024.

Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

 

As we navigate the complexities of the 21st century, women’s political participation and representation remain pivotal to building robust democracies and inclusive decision-making processes. In 2024, a historic milestone will be reached as 1.3 billion women across more than 60 countries exercise their right to vote. This unprecedented participation underscores the critical importance of addressing the barriers that still hinder women's full engagement in political life.

A pressing issue in the development space, particularly in women's development, is the often-missing dialogue between scholars and practitioners. Farida Jalalzai, PhD, in her role at Virginia Tech, has frequently highlighted this gap, emphasizing the need for a more integrated approach. Similarly, Farhat Haq, PhD, in her role at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) continues to emphasize the need for further inquiry and data in contextualizing women’s role in public spaces. As someone who straddles both worlds, I have witnessed firsthand the challenges and opportunities that arise when theory meets practice.

My career has afforded me unique insights into these dynamics. I have served as one of the youngest women in an executive cabinet in St. Louis County, been a board member for national organizations, and participated in local decision-making as an advisory committee member. These roles have exposed me to the systemic barriers, power dynamics, and patriarchal structures that women must navigate. As we rebuild from the failures of old systems, it is imperative to reimagine "inclusion"—not merely as a buzzword but as a fundamental principle guiding leadership, engagement, and participation.

Read here the full article published by The Friday Times on 30 July 2024.

Image by The Friday Times

 

Women comprise most of South Africa’s population and almost 55% of registered voters for next week’s watershed general elections. Historically they have been discriminated against and remain at the bottom of society’s food chain.

TimesLIVE asked a few political parties why women should vote for them. [...]

'You can't see women in this election'

According to Nomboniso Gasa, a feminist researcher, one of the important things in judging where a party stands is where women feature in leadership positions.

“That’s more like a mechanical thing, and I think a lot of specially new political parties are not having women headlining, not just the ballot but a lot of issues.

“We are not seeing a lot of young women in particular who are articulating party positions.”

Read here the full article published by Times Live on 24 May 2024.

Image by Times Live

 

What you need to know:

While political parties have met the legal requirements for nominating women for special seats, concerns linger about the parties’ internal commitment to advancing women’s political participation.

Tanzania, in keeping with global political trends, reserves 30 percent of seats in parliament for women.

These so-called special seats were introduced with multiparty politics in 1992, in response to the low numbers of women elected to positions of power.

There were only eight elected female parliamentarians after the first multiparty elections in 1995.

Ten years later, 17 women were elected to parliament, representing 7 percent of legislative seats. Fast forward to the 2020 general elections: women make up 37.4 percent of parliament.

However, only 27 women (10.2 percent) were elected directly from the 264 constituencies.

Special seats are credited for increasing women’s representation. This has enabled the passing of a couple of “gender sensitive” laws.

Read here the full article published by The Citizen on 14 May 2024.

Image by The Citizen

 

 

This publication explains gender equality in political life in terms of access, voice and transformation and provides guidance on how to conduct a national assessment of gender equality in political life and on how to develop a national action plan based on the findings of the assessment.

The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.

Read here the full publication posted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 12 September 2024.

Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

 

This publication, intended for gender equality and party development experts from political parties across the OSCE region and beyond, complements ODIHR's online gender audit tool and provides practical guidance on how to conduct gender audits and implement gender action plans.

The Gender-responsive Governance Toolkit is a series of targeted tools, each with a distinct practical and thematic focus. They introduce or advance institutional and policy solutions and practices for gender-responsive governance. The toolkit is aimed at participating States’ political parties, other democratic institutions and civil society organizations, and complements ODIHR’s existing gender-equality publications.

Read here the full article published by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe on 8 August 2024.

Image credits: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

 

As we navigate the complexities of the 21st century, women’s political participation and representation remain pivotal to building robust democracies and inclusive decision-making processes. In 2024, a historic milestone will be reached as 1.3 billion women across more than 60 countries exercise their right to vote. This unprecedented participation underscores the critical importance of addressing the barriers that still hinder women's full engagement in political life.

A pressing issue in the development space, particularly in women's development, is the often-missing dialogue between scholars and practitioners. Farida Jalalzai, PhD, in her role at Virginia Tech, has frequently highlighted this gap, emphasizing the need for a more integrated approach. Similarly, Farhat Haq, PhD, in her role at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) continues to emphasize the need for further inquiry and data in contextualizing women’s role in public spaces. As someone who straddles both worlds, I have witnessed firsthand the challenges and opportunities that arise when theory meets practice.

My career has afforded me unique insights into these dynamics. I have served as one of the youngest women in an executive cabinet in St. Louis County, been a board member for national organizations, and participated in local decision-making as an advisory committee member. These roles have exposed me to the systemic barriers, power dynamics, and patriarchal structures that women must navigate. As we rebuild from the failures of old systems, it is imperative to reimagine "inclusion"—not merely as a buzzword but as a fundamental principle guiding leadership, engagement, and participation.

Read here the full article published by The Friday Times on 30 July 2024.

Image by The Friday Times

 

Why do women continue to be under-represented in politics? The causes of this democratic deficit are well-studied, with women’s under-representation (and men’s over-representation) a combination of who comes forward for office and what obstacles are placed in their path.

Much popular and academic discussion around why women might not come forward has centred on political ambition—their interest in running for, and holding, elected office.

Click here to read the full article published by Social Europe on 27 October 2023.

Preventing Violence Against Women in Politics – Benchmarks for Political Parties (2022) is a joint paper by democracy organisations working with political parties, which presents interventions for political parties on how to prevent and address any form of violence against women in politics (VAWIP) in order to strengthen women’s participation and representation in politics and political decision-making.

The paper is produced by Demo Finland, International IDEAThe Oslo Center and The National Democratic Institute (NDI) as part of the Political Party Peer Network (PPPeer).

Click here to access the report.

Racial/ethnic minorities and women continue to be underrepresented in public office in the United States. Here, we evaluate the role of general election political party support for women and minorities in structuring these inequalities, as a key part of general election success is support from party networks. With detailed data on party support and the demographics of congressional candidates, we use two difference-in-differences strategies to leverage within-district and candidate-constant change over time. Thus, we are able to separate the effect of race/ethnicity and gender from other factors we demonstrate to be associated with party support. We find that, all else equal, Democratic and Republican minority nominees do not receive less support than their white counterparts. We also find that white women receive more party support from Democrats than Democratic men or minority women in the general election and that this support is more responsive to changes in electoral competitiveness. These findings suggest that party elites may provide additional support to candidates from underrepresented groups in the general election to broaden their appeal to voters.

Click here to download the paper published by Sage Journals on 23 April 2022.