Women's Leadership
During the fight against apartheid in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC), home party of leader Nelson Mandela, considered what a future free society would look like and how that goal should be achieved, says historian Rachel Sandwell.
ANC members weren’t just focused on ending apartheid racism, “although that was obviously foundational,” said Sandwell, assistant professor of history in the College of Arts and Sciences. “They were also trying to define a future where men and women, Black and white, were equal and liberated to live well.”
Women played a major role in these debates, according to Sandwell’s new book, “National Liberation and the Political Life of Exile: Sex, Gender, and Nation in the Struggle against Apartheid.” Through an analysis of women’s diplomatic work and their advocacy for policies on sexual education, birth control, family life and child care, Sandwell challenges traditional narratives that have ignored or minimized women’s contributions.
The College of Arts and Sciences spoke with Sandwell about the book.
Discussions around gender issues, especially women’s representation in parliament, intensified in Nigeria in 2025.
A legislative proposal, widely known as the Special Seats Bill or Reserved Seats Bill, was the primary focus of the discussion.
The bill, which has received widespread support from civil societies and state governments, including the Governors’ Forum, “signals a rare cross-sector push for institutional change,” Mabel Ade, founder of Adinya Arise Foundation (AAF), noted.
Ms Ade described 2025 as a “catalytic year,” because old promises were interrogated.
“The real test ahead is whether Nigeria will translate the Beijing+30 momentum into enforceable laws, institutional reforms, and measurable increases in women’s political representation and safety,” she said.
Lydia Umar, the director of Gender Awareness Trust, corroborated Ms Ade’s opinion.
In March 2025, Nigeria’s political scene was jolted when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan publicly accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment. Rather than prompt a serious investigation, the Senate responded by suspending her for six months on the grounds of “unruly and disruptive” behavior—an action widely perceived as punitive and silencing.
In interviews with the BBC, Natasha detailed how Akpabio would “squeeze my hands in a very suggestive way,” joked that her missing wedding ring was an “invitation to treat,” and remark that “your husband must be really enjoying… you’d be able to make good movements with your waist.” When she spoke up, the Nigerian Senate Chamber laughed. “People don’t understand what it means to carry this,” she said. “Maybe we don’t talk about it enough in Nigeria or Africa… I just want a place where I would just work. I thought the worst was over, but for a woman, it’s never really over.”
Women in politics are, historically speaking, newcomers to a field built without them in mind.
Women may now hold seats at political tables, but those tables were never designed for them, and the violence, scrutiny and hostility they face are not anomalies but symptoms of systems still shaped by exclusion.
In Mexico, President Claudia Sheinbaum, celebrated as the nation’s first woman elected to the role, was sexually assaulted in broad daylight during a public event.
The assault was shocking, but perhaps more alarming was how quickly some dismissed it as just another hazard of public life. Her experience exposes the ongoing physical vulnerability women leaders continue to face, as well as the troubling tendency to minimize violence against them as inevitable rather than unacceptable. Power does not insulate women from misogyny; in many cases, it makes them more visible targets.
Closer to home, Montreal’s women mayors navigate a political terrain that looks welcoming on paper but feels far less in practice.
Their experiences show how the everyday labour of governing becomes gendered; from constant online harassment to double standards that shape expectations of tone, behaviour and even wardrobe. Their professionalism is evaluated alongside irrelevant criteria, sending the same persistent message: you can sit at the table, but don’t get too comfortable.
Milestones: Gina Raimondo became the first woman governor of Rhode Island (2015); Marian Anderson is the first African American woman to sing at the Metropolitan Opera; Ella Grasso became the first woman governor of Connecticut (1975); Anna Pauline “Pauli” Murray is the first African American woman ordained to the Episcopal priesthood (1977); Kay A. Orr, became the first woman governor of Nebraska (1987); Sen. Aaron Sargent introduced a resolution, written by Susan B. Anthony, to Congress for Women’s Suffrage Amendment (1878); Madeleine M. Kunin, first Jewish woman governor and first woman to serve three terms as governor in Vermont; Victoria Woodhull, first woman to address a House Committee, argues for women’s suffrage (1871); and Amelia Earhart makes the first solo flight from Hawaii to North America.
Birthdays for notable women: Kate McKinnon, actor and LGBTQ activist; Katie Couric, journalist; Zora Neale Hurston, author (1891); Kaia Los Huertos; Kate Stewart, Montgomery County Council; Carrie Chapman Catt, suffragist and peace activist (1859); Sian Leah Beilock, former president of Barnard College and current president of Dartmouth; Sarah Jane Higginbotham, co-founder of Harrison Clark LLC and the National Women’s Defense League; Anna Kellar, national organizing director at Rank the Vote; Alice Paul, Quaker, suffragist, author of the Equal Rights Amendment (1885).
This data story looks at the economic empowerment of women over the past decade and a half across selected Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Liban, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine*, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates). It sets out a few stylised facts on how education, labour markets, laws, and public opinion shape women’s opportunities**. It also looks at how economic realities interact with cultural norms and legal structures across the region. Most importantly, it asks a central question: are women agents of change in their own economic and political trajectories, and how is that visible in the data that follows?
This issue goes beyond human rights or social and economic concerns and directly affects the region’s political and security landscape. As women gain greater opportunities to work, earn and participate in public life, they strengthen the resilience of families and communities, which supports broader social stability and – as research has consistently shown – contributes to higher levels of security and peace.
Women of Iran, similar to those across many parts of the region, benefit from a long history of feminist activism. Refusing to remain silent to discriminatory laws, practices, and behaviors, women have been struggling for equality, freedom, and justice through grassroots mobilization against conservative religious rule.
The latest spark of feminist resistance on a mass level occurred in September 2022 over the killing of Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Jina Amini from injuries she sustained while in police custody for allegedly violating Iran’s conservative hijab laws. Under the banner of, “woman, life, freedom,” women led vast street protests for months in demand for basic rights and liberties, risking their lives and freedoms in the face of a violent state crackdown. Building on decades of women’s rights organizing, women across Iran rose to express their frustrations from systemic gender discrimination codified in Iran’s laws, as well as their intentional marginalization from politics.
In this latest wave of protests, large sections of the population, regardless of gender, region, ethnicity, age, and religious identity, also joined in—recognizing that women’s demands for equality and freedom form the foundations of broader demands for democracy, human rights, and justice.
Large-scale protests that erupted in 2022 across Iran, centering on women’s rights, captured the world’s attention.
Iranians peacefully protested in the streets of places ranging from Tehran to small towns across the country, chanting, “Woman, life, freedom.” The protests reflected many Iranians’ growing frustration with the political regime in power since 1979 – and its ongoing violation of citizens’ basic rights, especially those of women and other historically marginalized groups.
While the latest wave of street protests dwindled by the first few months of 2023, nonviolent protests for freedom, democracy and equality have a long history in Iran and continue today.
The Nobel Peace Prize committee granted its 2023 prize to Narges Mohammadi, a prominent and currently imprisoned women’s rights advocate in Iran. This recognized popular resistance to Iran’s authoritarian regime.
As a scholar of women’s rights in Muslim cultures, I have documented women’s political activism in Iran and other Middle Eastern countries. My research shows that even when women are not demonstrating en masse in the streets, they consistently fight against gender discrimination, often at their own peril.
OPEN DEBATE ON « WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY »
STATEMENT BY MR. JAY DHARMADHIKARI
DEPUTY PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF FRANCE TO THE UNITED NATIONS
TO THE SECURITY COUNCIL
(TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH)
New York, 6 of October 2025
Mr. President,
I would first like to thank the Secretary-General and the Executive Director of UN Women, Ms. Sima Bahous, for their statements and their commitment to the Women, Peace and Security agenda.
Twenty-five years after the adoption of Resolution 1325, this agenda has led to significant progress.
The protection of women in armed conflict and their participation in peacekeeping are now at the heart of peace operation mandates, like MONUSCO and UNMISS, as well as peace agreements—I am thinking, for example, of the peace agreements in Colombia and South Sudan.
Although they remain underrepresented, women continue to grow in number in national diplomatic services, military contingents, police contingents, and the United Nations more broadly.
However, the brutal deterioration of the situation of women in armed conflict and the increasing attacks on their rights are today putting this agenda at risks.
In Gaza, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and many other conflicts, the exposure of women and girls, their proportion among the victims, and the number of cases of sexual violence verified by the United Nations are unprecedented.
In Ukraine, the armed forces of a permanent member of this Council—Russia—are committing rape and other form of sexual violence against civilians and prisoners of war. In Afghanistan, the segregation of women by the Taliban is so severe that it could amount to a crime against humanity.
In response, we must protect the achievements of the past two decades and place the Women, Peace and Security agenda back at the heart of a reformed United Nations and effective multilateralism.
I would like to emphasize four key areas for action which are within reach for the members of this Council.
Firstly, continue to strengthen women’s participation in all aspects of peacekeeping.
In line with CEDAW Committee General Recommendation No. 40, we must enhance women’s representation in decision-making systems, moving towards the goal of parity—including in United Nations governance.
We must encourage initiatives that aim at promoting women’s participation in peace processes and peace operations. I am thinking in particular of training for women in uniform.
Secondly, we must effectively implement the Council’s Women, Peace and Security resolutions on the ground.
France will continue to negotiate to ensure that these resolutions remain at the heart of peace operation mandates.
France also calls for strengthening the presence of women’s protection advisers and military advisers on gender issues in these operations.
Thirdly, we need to fight impunity and ensure that victims obtain reparation.
We must provide greater support to national authorities in this regard, particularly judicial authorities. We commend the work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Ms. Pramila Patten, as well as her efforts to create an international network of prosecutors to combat impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence in conflict.
We call for the strengthening of the Council’s use of targeted sanctions against those responsible for these crimes.
France reiterates its full support for the International Criminal Court and for international mechanisms that investigate sexual crimes.
Fourth, support the United Nations and civil society organizations, which play a key role on the ground.
France welcomes the commitment of UN Women and UNFPA to implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. We also support feminist organizations through a dedicated national fund, one of the world’s largest both in terms of geographical scope and financial scale.
Mr. President,
As France is about to adopt its fourth national action plan on women, peace, and security for 2026-2030, which will take into account emerging issues such as digital technology and climate change, I would like to pay tribute to the negotiators, mediators, women in uniform, female humanitarian workers, representatives of civil society, and so many other women who work daily to promote peace. Their courage compels us to act.
As a sign of this commitment, the Women, Peace and Security agenda will be among of priorities of the 4th Ministerial Conference on Feminist Diplomacy, to be held in Paris on October 22 and 23.
Thank you.
Newswise — Washington, D.C. - October 6, 2025 − As the non-partisan Women & Politics Institute at American University marks its 25th anniversary, a new nationwide survey underscores both the progress women have made in politics and the barriers that remain. The poll, She Leads: Progress and Persistent Barriers for Women in Politics, finds that while voters strongly support electing more women and trust them on key issues, lingering biases and double standards continue to shape the path to the presidency.
The poll of 801 registered voters, conducted September 3–6, 2025, by Breakthrough Campaigns in conjunction with WPI’s Gender on the Ballot project, highlights a paradox in public opinion: progress in attitudes toward women leaders coupled with persistent resistance to a woman in the Oval Office.
“These findings capture both the momentum and the headwinds for women in politics,” said Betsy Fischer Martin, Executive Director of the Women & Politics Institute. “As we mark WPI’s 25th anniversary, the results remind us why our mission matters. Voters clearly value the perspective women bring and want to see more women in office. But when it comes to the presidency, stereotypes and double standards still cast a long shadow. That tension will define the next chapter in women’s political leadership.”
In times of great political turmoil, it can be instructive and reassuring to read about people who have been in similar situations, and have persevered in fighting for something better. While writing my new book about the contributions Black women have made in the global struggle for human rights, I was humbled to see, over and over, how many of these women did not come from rich families, or hold positions of great power, or even have all that much education. But they did the hard and dangerous work required, day in and day out, because they believed in equal rights for everyone, around the world.
Closer to home, I’m recommending here five books that everyone should read about Black women in the United States who have persevered against great and terrible odds, to try to make the world better for the next generation. Their stories are just the inspiration we need today.
Full article here.
In her rightfully celebrated 1969 article, “The Political Economy of Women’s Liberation,” Margaret Benston articulated several of the enduring themes and theoretical insights of feminist theories, especially those developed by socialist and Marxist feminists. For example, she located the material basis of women’s secondary status in their responsibility for the production of use values for home consumption and their ensuing economic dependence upon male breadwinners; the effects of domestic responsibilities on women’s opportunities; and the material conditions for women’s liberation, that is, equal access to employment and an end to the privatized nature of housework and child rearing.2
As a graduate student in the late 1960s, I struggled to make sense of the notion that women were oppressed as women and that men or patriarchy were the source of their oppression—an idea that, at the time, seemed strange to me.3 In contrast, Benston’s perspective that the causes of the secondary status of women were structural, rooted in the capitalist economy, and resulted in women’s responsibility for child care and the production of use values for family consumption, made sense to me. It showed how the functioning of the capitalist economy, given that the organization of social and biological reproduction remained still in a “premarket stage,” placed working-class men and women in different structural positions. This, I inferred, gave some men power over women. Working-class men had to earn wages to survive economically, whereas working-class women, whether married or unmarried, could theoretically either work for wages or work at home, unpaid and dependent on the wages of the male head of the household.4 Abstractly, under capitalism, being an unpaid domestic worker is for working-class women a functional alternative to earning wages.5 In retrospect, having read her article again, I can say that my account of the oppression of women and conceptualization of what, in the early 1970s, I called the mode of reproduction, owes much to Benston’s views about the “structural definition of women” and the household as a place of production and reproduction.6
Full article here.