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Women's Leadership

Thirty-one years after the historic 1995 Beijing World Conference on Women, a new wave of socio-political advocacy is sweeping across Africa and the globe, demanding concrete systemic reforms rather than the rhetorical promises that have characterized the past three decades.

In a compelling analysis, veteran commentator Sam Akpe examines the stagnation of women's inclusion initiatives. From the boardrooms of London to the political corridors of Abuja and Nairobi, the enduring gap between international policy declarations and the lived realities of women remains a pressing global governance failure.

The Legacy of the 1995 Beijing Declaration

When delegates from across the world assembled in China's capital in 1995, they drafted a visionary blueprint for gender equality. The conference generated unprecedented momentum, with governments globally committing to dismantle systemic barriers affecting femininity, economic access, and political representation.

However, Akpe notes that the immediate aftermath of the summit was marked by a descent into silence. The initial chanting and robust discussions rarely translated into binding legislative action, leaving the core demands of the declaration largely unfulfilled across numerous developing nations.

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Dar es Salaam. Tanzania will host the first Women’s Parliamentary Conference in November, giving the country an opportunity to strengthen its role in regional peace and security efforts while promoting greater participation of women in political decision-making across the Great Lakes Region.

The conference, which will bring together women legislators and other stakeholders from the 12 member states of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), will focus on how parliaments can translate regional commitments on peace, security and development into laws, policies and budget priorities.

The November 2-5 meeting at the Julius Nyerere International Convention Centre is expected to attract about 250 participants. It is being organised by the Forum of Parliaments of the ICGLR (FP-ICGLR) in collaboration with the Parliament of Tanzania.

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SOUTH AFRICA, Johannesburg FORMER South Africa’s First Lady Ms Zanele Mbeki has called for continuous actions by women from across Africa and the world at large in the struggle for their rights in order to fast track realisation of the issues agreed during the 1995 Beijing Conference.

Ms Mbeki said that during the conference women expected that to date the world would have been changed because the struggle against gender-based violence would have been taken much far.

She said the conference also expected that the rights of girl child would have been attained and fought and succeed on women’s representation.

“These are just some of the issues that have not become better, but in many parts of the world have become worse including in our own country …so this suggest that we are not at the stage where we can rest, we need to continue,” Ms Mbeki said on Wednesday at the ongoing SAWID 20-Year Celebration Annual Dialogue.

The 1995 fourth world conference on women held in Beijing marked a significant turning point for the global agenda for gender equality.

The Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action, adopted unanimously by 189 countries, as an agenda for women’s empowerment and considered the key global policy document on gender equality.

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United Nations Under-Secretary-General and UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous concluded a three-day visit to Jordan focused on advancing women’s economic empowerment and political participation and supporting the implementation of the country’s Political, Economic, and Public Sector Modernization Vision.

During the visit, Ms. Bahous met with H.E. Walid Masri, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Local Administration; H.E. Wafa Bani Mustafa, Minister of Social Development and Chair of the Inter-Ministerial Committee for Women’s Empowerment, together with members of the Committee, including the Ministers of Labour, Transport, Education, Health, Youth and Environment, as well as the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs; H.E. Abdullah Nsour, Deputy Speaker of the Senate, together with members of the Senate’s Women’s Committee; H.E. Mazen Al-Qadi, Speaker of the House of Representatives, together with parliamentary committee chairs; and H.E. Dima Jweihan, Acting Secretary-General of the Jordanian National Commission for Women.

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A photograph of a voter-registration card lands on a Kenyan social feed. The caption reads Niko Kadi — ‘I am registered’. Another young person posts their own. Registration acquires what Cynthia Achieng Odhong calls “social currency”: a civic act becomes a public signal of belonging and peers invite peers into democracy. 

For Cynthia, a Kenyan fellow deployed to New York, the Niko Kadi challenge captures a wider shift in African civic life. Young people organize campaigns online, question public decisions, share information and mobilize around the cost of living, corruption and public services. “Young people are still showing up,” she says. Their expectation is equally clear: participation should lead to accountability and tangible outcomes. 

Across five African Young Women Leaders fellows, a common argument emerges. Youth participation already carries political intelligence, creativity and commitment. The decisive question concerns whether governance systems can recognize that authority, translate participation into influence and rebuild trust through delivery.

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"Women do not need to prove they can save the United Nations to deserve the opportunity to lead it. And Latin American women should not have to be defined only by the struggles we face for the world to recognise the power we already exercise."

As a child, I saw on TV that a woman had won Chile’s presidency. It was the first time I remember realising that a woman could occupy such a position. I immediately ran to tell my dad the big news. His response was simple: “It is time for women.”

That memory stayed with me for more than two decades. It resurfaced recently when I found myself standing at the United Nations in front of the same woman who had once inspired me — and who now has the potential to become the next Secretary-General of the United Nations: Chile’s former President, Michelle Bachelet.

But this moment is much bigger than Bachelet

In its 80-year history, the United Nations has had nine Secretaries-General. Every single one of them has been a man. Now, as the organisation prepares to choose António Guterres’s successor, five women from Latin America and the Caribbean are among the candidates: Bachelet, from Chile; Rebeca Grynspan, from Costa Rica; María Fernanda Espinosa and Ivonne A-Baki, from Ecuador; and Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett, from Guyana. For the first time, the possibility that a woman (especially one from my region) could occupy the UN’s highest office feels tangible.

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Abstract

Advocates of women’s rights in many Muslim countries have long demanded the formation of state-level institutional structures that promote and protect women’s rights, in turn contributing to democratization and development. The design and impact of such structures, collectively referred to as national women’s machineries (NWMs), has, however, varied across contexts. This paper advocates analysis of the actors and factors that impact the design, influence, and function of NWMs, with an emphasis on the role of state gender ideology. It argues that NWMs, as formal state institutions, are never conceptualized and formed in a vacuum, with various competing interests impacting their design and function especially in non-democratic and unrepresentative contexts. Through a case study of NWMs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it shows that despite efforts for cabinet-level women’s rights policy-making since the early 1990s, throughout the past decades such gains have faced backlash and reversal as a result of conservative ideological shifts, at times rendering such institutions illegitimate in the eyes of the Iranian feminist movement.

Full article here.

 

The act was a forceful symbol of her support for the movement and condemnation of the Iranian regime. “We cannot remain silent against the killing of women and girls like Mahsa (Jina Amini) or Armita (Geravand) who were killed merely because of their hijab,” she says.

Other prominent women, including celebrities, had removed their hijabs in public acts of defiance against Iran’s mandatory hijab laws during the protests. But Vasmaghi’s unveiling held particular significance. Until then, her public persona was that of a deeply pious scholar who consistently observed the hijab in a strict sense without showing any hair—even while lecturing in Europe on her expertise in Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence). What Vasmaghi clearly opposed was not veiling itself but its compulsory nature: Just months before her public unveiling, she had drafted an open letter to the Supreme Leader challenging the Islamic justification for forcing women to cover their hair. In it, she asked pointedly: “How can the Islamic Republic justify such strict enforcement of mandatory veiling when even the Quran does not explicitly require women to cover their hair?

Full article here.

 

Abstract

Much of the literature on women’s-rights activism in the Muslim world presents such activism as employing discourses either of egalitarianism (secular) or of complementarianism (religious). This article analyzes the recent framing of demands for women’s right to political office by elite Islamic women in Iran and Turkey in terms outside this dichotomy. Drawing on data gathered from personal interviews as well as on careful study of public statements and publications by elite women, or those backed by state institutions, this article demonstrates the inadequacy of understanding women’s activism in Muslim contexts as employing either an egalitarian or a complementarian approach by highlighting a more nuanced conceptualization of women’s-rights framing and organizing in accordance with shifting contexts and political ideologies. Specifically, it shows how Islamic women’s-rights activists who are closely affiliated with their governments at times strategically adopt a “gender justice” framing, as opposed to “gender equality,” to appeal to more conservative sectors of their society. This strategy can have important policy implications and lead to shifts in political discourse about women and politics. However, elite women’s backing from and affiliation with conservative ruling elites can lead some groups, particularly secular feminists, to perceive their use of gender justice discourse differently and to be dismissive of their efforts

Full article here.

 

Women of Iran, similar to those across many parts of the region, benefit from a long history of feminist activism. Refusing to remain silent to discriminatory laws, practices, and behaviors, women have been struggling for equality, freedom, and justice through grassroots mobilization against conservative religious rule. 

The latest spark of feminist resistance on a mass level occurred in September 2022 over the killing of Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Jina Amini from injuries she sustained while in police custody for allegedly violating Iran’s conservative hijab laws. Under the banner of, “woman, life, freedom,” women led vast street protests for months in demand for basic rights and liberties, risking their lives and freedoms in the face of a violent state crackdown. Building on decades of women’s rights organizing, women across Iran rose to express their frustrations from systemic gender discrimination codified in Iran’s laws, as well as their intentional marginalization from politics. 

In this latest wave of protests, large sections of the population, regardless of gender, region, ethnicity, age, and religious identity, also joined in—recognizing that women’s demands for equality and freedom form the foundations of broader demands for democracy, human rights, and justice.  

Full article here.

 

Large-scale protests that erupted in 2022 across Iran, centering on women’s rights, captured the world’s attention.

Iranians peacefully protested in the streets of places ranging from Tehran to small towns across the country, chanting, “Woman, life, freedom.” The protests reflected many Iranians’ growing frustration with the political regime in power since 1979 – and its ongoing violation of citizens’ basic rights, especially those of women and other historically marginalized groups.

While the latest wave of street protests dwindled by the first few months of 2023, nonviolent protests for freedom, democracy and equality have a long history in Iran and continue today.

The Nobel Peace Prize committee granted its 2023 prize to Narges Mohammadi, a prominent and currently imprisoned women’s rights advocate in Iran. This recognized popular resistance to Iran’s authoritarian regime.

As a scholar of women’s rights in Muslim cultures, I have documented women’s political activism in Iran and other Middle Eastern countries. My research shows that even when women are not demonstrating en masse in the streets, they consistently fight against gender discrimination, often at their own peril.

Full article here.

 

OPEN DEBATE ON « WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY »

STATEMENT BY MR. JAY DHARMADHIKARI
DEPUTY PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF FRANCE TO THE UNITED NATIONS

TO THE SECURITY COUNCIL
(TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH)

New York, 6 of October 2025

Mr. President,

I would first like to thank the Secretary-General and the Executive Director of UN Women, Ms. Sima Bahous, for their statements and their commitment to the Women, Peace and Security agenda.

Twenty-five years after the adoption of Resolution 1325, this agenda has led to significant progress.

The protection of women in armed conflict and their participation in peacekeeping are now at the heart of peace operation mandates, like MONUSCO and UNMISS, as well as peace agreements—I am thinking, for example, of the peace agreements in Colombia and South Sudan.

Although they remain underrepresented, women continue to grow in number in national diplomatic services, military contingents, police contingents, and the United Nations more broadly.

However, the brutal deterioration of the situation of women in armed conflict and the increasing attacks on their rights are today putting this agenda at risks.

In Gaza, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and many other conflicts, the exposure of women and girls, their proportion among the victims, and the number of cases of sexual violence verified by the United Nations are unprecedented.

In Ukraine, the armed forces of a permanent member of this Council—Russia—are committing rape and other form of sexual violence against civilians and prisoners of war. In Afghanistan, the segregation of women by the Taliban is so severe that it could amount to a crime against humanity.

In response, we must protect the achievements of the past two decades and place the Women, Peace and Security agenda back at the heart of a reformed United Nations and effective multilateralism.

I would like to emphasize four key areas for action which are within reach for the members of this Council.

Firstly, continue to strengthen women’s participation in all aspects of peacekeeping.

In line with CEDAW Committee General Recommendation No. 40, we must enhance women’s representation in decision-making systems, moving towards the goal of parity—including in United Nations governance.

We must encourage initiatives that aim at promoting women’s participation in peace processes and peace operations. I am thinking in particular of training for women in uniform.

Secondly, we must effectively implement the Council’s Women, Peace and Security resolutions on the ground.

France will continue to negotiate to ensure that these resolutions remain at the heart of peace operation mandates.

France also calls for strengthening the presence of women’s protection advisers and military advisers on gender issues in these operations.

Thirdly, we need to fight impunity and ensure that victims obtain reparation.

We must provide greater support to national authorities in this regard, particularly judicial authorities. We commend the work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Ms. Pramila Patten, as well as her efforts to create an international network of prosecutors to combat impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence in conflict.

We call for the strengthening of the Council’s use of targeted sanctions against those responsible for these crimes.

France reiterates its full support for the International Criminal Court and for international mechanisms that investigate sexual crimes.

Fourth, support the United Nations and civil society organizations, which play a key role on the ground.

France welcomes the commitment of UN Women and UNFPA to implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. We also support feminist organizations through a dedicated national fund, one of the world’s largest both in terms of geographical scope and financial scale.

Mr. President,

As France is about to adopt its fourth national action plan on women, peace, and security for 2026-2030, which will take into account emerging issues such as digital technology and climate change, I would like to pay tribute to the negotiators, mediators, women in uniform, female humanitarian workers, representatives of civil society, and so many other women who work daily to promote peace. Their courage compels us to act.

As a sign of this commitment, the Women, Peace and Security agenda will be among of priorities of the 4th Ministerial Conference on Feminist Diplomacy, to be held in Paris on October 22 and 23.

Thank you.

Original post here.