Women's Leadership
Reframing the ratio of women in government affects attitudes and action.
Gender disparity in political leadership is seldom cast as the overrepresentation of men (71 percent in the United States and worldwide). Rather, in public discourse, the gender imbalance in positions of power is framed as the underrepresentation of women. Social psychologists at the New York University Social Perception, Action, and Motivation Lab find in their 2024 study, "Women underrepresented or men overrepresented?" Framing the gender gap in political leadership as "men's overrepresentation" heightens emotional reactions and motivates efforts for change.
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The political structure and processes in Bangladesh remain predominantly patriarchal and under male control. The patriarchal society of Bangladesh does not favour women's participation in the country's political framework, resulting in low female representation at all levels of political parties. Selim Jahan explores where women stand in the upcoming elections.
After the July 2024 uprising, a question that emerged was, "Where are the women warriors of July?"
This question had context. During the July uprising, women were at the forefront of the struggle—leading, demanding, and visible. There is no doubt that women's participation was a significant catalyst in the success of the July movement.
Historically, this is not new in our country. In the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh, women fought shoulder to shoulder with men—directly on the battlefield and indirectly across the nation.
Across the world, women are underrepresented. Globally, fewer than one in four parliamentarians are women. In many Asia–Pacific countries, including Bangladesh, systemic barriers continue to limit women’s political participation. Social norms, structural bias, and unequal access to political networks constrain both candidacy and success. Yet, without women’s meaningful representation in politics and decision-making spaces, gender balance at work is not possible. Upcoming elections highlight this critical juncture: unless parties actively support women candidates, workplace policies that enable equality will remain underdeveloped and inequitable.
It is a direct correlation. Women in Bangladesh face barriers in entering formal employment, remaining in workplaces, and advancing to leadership. Many are concentrated in informal, low-paid, and insecure jobs, often exiting the labour market due to lack of childcare, unsafe commuting, or rigid working arrangements. These workplace realities are shaped by political choices—decisions about budget allocation, labour laws, social protection, and urban safety—made predominantly by male leadership.
It is worth repeating that women constitute half of society. Any decision-making without the equal participation of women is truncated and illegitimate from a democratic point of view. In addition to the principle of equality, the inclusion of women brings unique perspectives and experiences that improve the quality of decisions. At the local level, where policies directly affect the daily lives of citizens, women's participation is essential to address the real needs of the population.
Thanks to legal quotas and numerous efforts, the representation of women in Kosovo's municipal assemblies has increased over the years, but still remains below the target level. Meanwhile, in local leadership positions, such as mayors, women are almost absent. This is not only an injustice, but also a loss for society: ignoring half of the population in decision-making means leaving aside half of the social potential - of talent, ideas and possible solutions.
Personal observation from the field has shown me that when women actively participate in politics, the decision-making agenda is enriched with new ideas. I noticed a significant phenomenon while monitoring municipal budget hearings: in cases where only men were present, the demands made revolved mainly around asphalt and sports halls - as if these were the only solutions to society's problems. In general, in these cases, it seems that the vision of development begins and ends with concrete and sports. However, when women were also present, the panorama changed significantly. Their demands went beyond that, towards the most fundamental issues for the quality of life: opening daycare centers for children, installing solar panels in schools, or financing training programs for parents of children with autism. Ideas that had a great multiplier effect and improved life both now and in the distant future.
The Minister of Solidarity, Social Inclusion and Family, Naïma Ben Yahia, announced on Monday in Rabat the upcoming launch of a nationwide awareness campaign promoting women’s political participation and tackling discrimination and stereotypes in politics.
Answering oral questions in the House of Representatives, Ben Yahia said the initiative is part of the «Moucharaka» programme, which aims to strengthen women’s participation in the political process ahead of the 2026 and 2027 electoral deadlines.
The programme will include training sessions for women members of political parties, in coordination with the leaders of women’s party structures, as well as research projects carried out with universities to identify ways to improve women’s political representation. These studies will also assess electoral processes through analyses conducted before and after legislative elections, with the results to be made public.
United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and UN Women Deputy Executive Director, Ms Nyaradzayi Gumbonzvanda, is in Zimbabwe from January 12 to 16 on a mission to strengthen national efforts to advance gender equality.
She is accompanied by the UN Women Deputy Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, Ms Adama Moussa.
UN Women said the visit is aimed at reaffirming the agency’s commitment to Zimbabwe, deepening partnerships with government and civil society, and mobilising support to sustain gains in women’s rights.
According to the agency, the strategic engagement will also seek to safeguard and accelerate progress on gender equality and the empowerment of women.
During the five-day visit, Gumbonzvanda is expected to advocate stronger integration of global gender frameworks including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing Platform for Action and Sustainable Development Goal 5 — into national policies.
This data story looks at the economic empowerment of women over the past decade and a half across selected Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Liban, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine*, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates). It sets out a few stylised facts on how education, labour markets, laws, and public opinion shape women’s opportunities**. It also looks at how economic realities interact with cultural norms and legal structures across the region. Most importantly, it asks a central question: are women agents of change in their own economic and political trajectories, and how is that visible in the data that follows?
This issue goes beyond human rights or social and economic concerns and directly affects the region’s political and security landscape. As women gain greater opportunities to work, earn and participate in public life, they strengthen the resilience of families and communities, which supports broader social stability and – as research has consistently shown – contributes to higher levels of security and peace.
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Despite notable normative advances, after 25 years, the effectiveness of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda is threatened by a fragmented global panorama and faces significant challenges and setbacks.
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In the new context, the following stand out: (a) the increased frequency and complexity of armed conflicts; (b) the rise of ‘anti-gender’ movements and the erosion of women’s rights in many regions; (c) geopolitical divisions, which make it difficult to prioritise comprehensive solutions to conflicts; (d) the Agenda’s funding crisis; (e) the crisis of multilateralism; (f) the reduced representation of women as negotiators and mediators; and (g) the loss of policy coherence and its transformative potential due to the instrumentalisation of the Agenda, often used for geopolitical purposes.
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For the Agenda to remain relevant, it is crucial that it evolves and adapts to the new global situation and updates its principles with an understanding of the local contexts in which it must be applied.
In 2000, the United Nations Security Council recognized that women’s leadership and gender equality are crucial for international peace and security, and the past 25 years have seen increased attention to this matter. However, the rise in global conflict in recent years risks erasing the modest progress made in previous decades.
Every year, the UN Secretary-General presents an annual report to the Security Council detailing the status of the women, peace and security agenda in the world. This year’s report contains more than one hundred facts and figures on issues ranging from women’s participation in peace processes, peace operations, or politics in conflict-affected countries, to the impact of conflict on women and girls, including atrocities that target them disproportionately, like reproductive violence, gender-based persecution, or conflict-related sexual violence.
This infographic, prepared by UN Women, highlights a few of these facts and figures, along with recommendations to change course.
Abstract
Advocates of women’s rights in many Muslim countries have long demanded the formation of state-level institutional structures that promote and protect women’s rights, in turn contributing to democratization and development. The design and impact of such structures, collectively referred to as national women’s machineries (NWMs), has, however, varied across contexts. This paper advocates analysis of the actors and factors that impact the design, influence, and function of NWMs, with an emphasis on the role of state gender ideology. It argues that NWMs, as formal state institutions, are never conceptualized and formed in a vacuum, with various competing interests impacting their design and function especially in non-democratic and unrepresentative contexts. Through a case study of NWMs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it shows that despite efforts for cabinet-level women’s rights policy-making since the early 1990s, throughout the past decades such gains have faced backlash and reversal as a result of conservative ideological shifts, at times rendering such institutions illegitimate in the eyes of the Iranian feminist movement.
The act was a forceful symbol of her support for the movement and condemnation of the Iranian regime. “We cannot remain silent against the killing of women and girls like Mahsa (Jina Amini) or Armita (Geravand) who were killed merely because of their hijab,” she says.
Other prominent women, including celebrities, had removed their hijabs in public acts of defiance against Iran’s mandatory hijab laws during the protests. But Vasmaghi’s unveiling held particular significance. Until then, her public persona was that of a deeply pious scholar who consistently observed the hijab in a strict sense without showing any hair—even while lecturing in Europe on her expertise in Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence). What Vasmaghi clearly opposed was not veiling itself but its compulsory nature: Just months before her public unveiling, she had drafted an open letter to the Supreme Leader challenging the Islamic justification for forcing women to cover their hair. In it, she asked pointedly: “How can the Islamic Republic justify such strict enforcement of mandatory veiling when even the Quran does not explicitly require women to cover their hair?
Abstract
Much of the literature on women’s-rights activism in the Muslim world presents such activism as employing discourses either of egalitarianism (secular) or of complementarianism (religious). This article analyzes the recent framing of demands for women’s right to political office by elite Islamic women in Iran and Turkey in terms outside this dichotomy. Drawing on data gathered from personal interviews as well as on careful study of public statements and publications by elite women, or those backed by state institutions, this article demonstrates the inadequacy of understanding women’s activism in Muslim contexts as employing either an egalitarian or a complementarian approach by highlighting a more nuanced conceptualization of women’s-rights framing and organizing in accordance with shifting contexts and political ideologies. Specifically, it shows how Islamic women’s-rights activists who are closely affiliated with their governments at times strategically adopt a “gender justice” framing, as opposed to “gender equality,” to appeal to more conservative sectors of their society. This strategy can have important policy implications and lead to shifts in political discourse about women and politics. However, elite women’s backing from and affiliation with conservative ruling elites can lead some groups, particularly secular feminists, to perceive their use of gender justice discourse differently and to be dismissive of their efforts