Women's Leadership
Changing public perceptions about women in leadership is critical to increasing female representation in Parliament, says Minister for Women, Children and Social Protection Sashi Kiran.
Her comments follow Opposition MP Premila Kumar's remarks that one of the biggest challenges facing women elected to Parliament was being overlooked for influential positions.
Ms Kiran said outdated beliefs and stereotypes about women in leadership needed to be challenged, adding that greater media coverage of women in leadership roles was helping change those perceptions.
Women were at the forefront of the July 2024 uprising, but in the subsequently formed political structures, insecurity and social backlash gradually pushed them aside. Female students from universities across the country, including Dhaka University, were not only leading participants in the uprising, but they also became victims of attacks and lawsuits by law enforcement agencies. However, the number of female candidates in the post-uprising Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) election remained limited, and those who did contest faced extensive cyberbullying.
There were only 62 female candidates in the DUCSU election, accounting for merely 13 percent of the total candidates, even though 48 percent of DUCSU’s voters are female students.
Women’s participation in the Liberation War of 1971 was similarly undervalued in the post-war era. The title Birangana, rather than honouring their contributions, foregrounded the trauma and humiliation they had endured, while obscuring the critical roles they had played on the frontlines. This reflects a long-standing social failure to recognise women’s agency, a problem that persists to this day.
Women in Power: Fighting for Democracy in an Age of Authoritarianism explores the connections between the current wave of democratic backsliding and the stalling of women’s political leadership after decades of steady gains. Despite the challenging headwinds, many women who have been elected as presidents and prime ministers have forged successful policies to foster resilience at home and fend off aggression from abroad. Many have also championed international reforms to improve global governance, access to finance, and other systemic solutions. Their track records and governing formulas provide valuable lessons for other aspiring leaders and show that women are equally capable of serving at the helm of government.
The feminist peace ideology then replaces violence with empowering women through raising women’s awareness.
The women, peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is an essential framework that recognises the indispensable role of women in achieving sustainable peace and security.
With its roots in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, adopted in the year 2000, the WPS agenda aims to address the gendered impacts of conflict, promote women’s participation in decision-making, prevent gender-based violence, and empower women in conflict-affected areas.
The importance of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda is crucial for several reasons. Primarily, women often bear the brunt of armed conflicts and their aftermath, experiencing unique challenges and vulnerabilities. The WPS agenda seeks to address the specific gendered impacts, such as sexual violence, displacement, and limited access to resources and services. By recognising and addressing the distinctive needs of women in conflict situations, the agenda aims to promote their rights, well-being, and full participation in peacebuilding processes.
Women in the Autonomous Territorial Unit (ATU) of Gagauzia already play pivotal roles in sustaining dialogue, strengthening community resilience, and preventing conflict. However, their experience, perspectives and leadership remain insufficiently represented in formal dialogue, peacebuilding and decision-making mechanisms.
A new locally grounded study published by CMI and the Platform for Security and Defence Initiatives identifies the barriers behind this gap and demonstrates that strengthening women’s meaningful participation is essential for building sustainable peace and social cohesion in the region.
The study, ‘The Role of Women in Peace Processes: Needs and Prospects for ATU Gagauzia’, was presented on 10 July in Chisinau during a roundtable convening representatives of public institutions, international organisations, diplomatic missions, civil society, and experts on peace, security and gender equality.
The study’s added value lies in connecting the global Women, Peace and Security agenda with the lived realities of Gagauzia. Grounded in interviews, consultations with local stakeholders and analysis of the region’s social and political context, the study examines the opportunities and barriers affecting women’s participation in dialogue and peacebuilding.
Speaking at the event focused on the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda on Aug. 3, Naw K’nyaw Paw, chairwoman of the Karen Women’s Organisation (KWO), emphasized that women have become the primary architects of local administration and humanitarian response under military rule.
“Myanmar women are not waiting for someone to come and save us,” Naw K’nyaw Paw said. “We are building courts, training judges, drafting constitutions, and providing assistance to internally displaced people. What we are asking the world is just to stand with us.”
The forum, co-organized by the Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines alongside Myanmar and Philippine civil society groups, gathered roughly 80 diplomats, regional experts, and advocates.
Representatives from the Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar (WAC-M) urged international donors to provide direct financial support to local women’s organizations, calling them the backbone of both community survival and the broader resistance movement.
Meanwhile, rights groups condemned the military junta’s escalating use of airstrikes, forced conscription, conflict-related sexual violence, and the weaponization of aid blockades against civilians.
Newswise — Washington, D.C. - October 6, 2025 − As the non-partisan Women & Politics Institute at American University marks its 25th anniversary, a new nationwide survey underscores both the progress women have made in politics and the barriers that remain. The poll, She Leads: Progress and Persistent Barriers for Women in Politics, finds that while voters strongly support electing more women and trust them on key issues, lingering biases and double standards continue to shape the path to the presidency.
The poll of 801 registered voters, conducted September 3–6, 2025, by Breakthrough Campaigns in conjunction with WPI’s Gender on the Ballot project, highlights a paradox in public opinion: progress in attitudes toward women leaders coupled with persistent resistance to a woman in the Oval Office.
“These findings capture both the momentum and the headwinds for women in politics,” said Betsy Fischer Martin, Executive Director of the Women & Politics Institute. “As we mark WPI’s 25th anniversary, the results remind us why our mission matters. Voters clearly value the perspective women bring and want to see more women in office. But when it comes to the presidency, stereotypes and double standards still cast a long shadow. That tension will define the next chapter in women’s political leadership.”
In times of great political turmoil, it can be instructive and reassuring to read about people who have been in similar situations, and have persevered in fighting for something better. While writing my new book about the contributions Black women have made in the global struggle for human rights, I was humbled to see, over and over, how many of these women did not come from rich families, or hold positions of great power, or even have all that much education. But they did the hard and dangerous work required, day in and day out, because they believed in equal rights for everyone, around the world.
Closer to home, I’m recommending here five books that everyone should read about Black women in the United States who have persevered against great and terrible odds, to try to make the world better for the next generation. Their stories are just the inspiration we need today.
Full article here.
In her rightfully celebrated 1969 article, “The Political Economy of Women’s Liberation,” Margaret Benston articulated several of the enduring themes and theoretical insights of feminist theories, especially those developed by socialist and Marxist feminists. For example, she located the material basis of women’s secondary status in their responsibility for the production of use values for home consumption and their ensuing economic dependence upon male breadwinners; the effects of domestic responsibilities on women’s opportunities; and the material conditions for women’s liberation, that is, equal access to employment and an end to the privatized nature of housework and child rearing.2
As a graduate student in the late 1960s, I struggled to make sense of the notion that women were oppressed as women and that men or patriarchy were the source of their oppression—an idea that, at the time, seemed strange to me.3 In contrast, Benston’s perspective that the causes of the secondary status of women were structural, rooted in the capitalist economy, and resulted in women’s responsibility for child care and the production of use values for family consumption, made sense to me. It showed how the functioning of the capitalist economy, given that the organization of social and biological reproduction remained still in a “premarket stage,” placed working-class men and women in different structural positions. This, I inferred, gave some men power over women. Working-class men had to earn wages to survive economically, whereas working-class women, whether married or unmarried, could theoretically either work for wages or work at home, unpaid and dependent on the wages of the male head of the household.4 Abstractly, under capitalism, being an unpaid domestic worker is for working-class women a functional alternative to earning wages.5 In retrospect, having read her article again, I can say that my account of the oppression of women and conceptualization of what, in the early 1970s, I called the mode of reproduction, owes much to Benston’s views about the “structural definition of women” and the household as a place of production and reproduction.6
Full article here.
The 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action is a moment to reaffirm global commitments to gender equality
2025 is a pivotal year for women and girls. It marks three major milestones: the thirtieth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the twenty-fifth anniversary of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, and the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations. Notable progress on laws, policies and some development outcomes for women and girls has occurred, especially since the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015. In the final five-year stretch before the 2030 deadline of the Goals, it is urgent to accelerate action and investment.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted in 1995 by 189 countries, laid out transformative measures across 12 critical areas of concern, serving as a foundation for progress on gender equality and the SDGs. Drawing on evidence from the thirtieth-anniversary review – including 159 Member State reports and broad consultations – UN Women has developed the Beijing+30 Action Agenda. This bold, forward-looking framework sets out six priority actions to accelerate progress on both the Platform and the SDGs. It positions gender equality at the heart of global development efforts. This section highlights this Agenda noting the investments needed and the benefits not only for women and girls, but at large for societies and economies. The rest of the report assesses gender equality under each of the 17 SDGs, spotlighting actions and investments to accelerate change.
For decades, African politics has been a domain dominated by men, with women often relegated to the sidelines of decision-making. But a growing number of countries how now experienced female leadership, including Liberia, Malawi and most recently Namibia. With President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah becoming the country’s first female head of state and assembling a cabinet where women hold the majority of ministerial positions, Namibia has set a historic precedent. This moment signifies much more than symbolism; it signals a broader and hopeful shift in the continent’s political landscape, one that may pave the way for future gender equality in governance. Could Namibia be a harbinger of a wider trend across Africa? Let’s take a closer look at the evidence.
Namibia is not alone in challenging the traditional power structures that have long kept women out of high political office. In recent years, countries like Tanzania and Ethiopia have also seen women rise to top leadership roles. Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who took office in 2021 after the death of President John Magufuli, has already made significant strides in reshaping the country’s political and economic trajectory. However, it is important to note that she, like Malawi’s former President Joyce Banda, assumed office not through an electoral mandate but through constitutional succession. This pattern raises important questions about the actual commitment of ruling parties to gender equality when women are not fielded as primary candidates.
Full article by Democracy in Africa.
Image by Democracy in Africa
Artificial intelligence (AI) is transforming our world—but when it reflects existing biases, it can reinforce discrimination against women and girls. From hiring decisions to healthcare diagnoses, AI systems can amplify gender inequalities when trained on biased data. So how can we ensure AI is ethical and inclusive? Zinnya del Villar, a leading expert in responsible AI, shares insights on the challenges and solutions in a recent conversation with UN Women.
What is AI gender bias and why does it matter?
“AI systems, learning from data filled with stereotypes, often reflect and reinforce gender biases,” says Zinnya del Villar. “These biases can limit opportunities and diversity, especially in areas like decision-making, hiring, loan approvals, and legal judgments.”
At its core, AI is about data. It is a set of technologies that enable computers to do complex tasks faster than humans. AI systems, such as machine learning models, learn to perform these tasks from the data they are trained on. When these models rely on biased algorithms, they can reinforce existing inequalities and fuel gender discrimination in AI.
Imagine, training a machine to make hiring decisions by showing it examples from the past. If most of those examples carry conscious or unconscious bias – for example, showing men as scientists and women as nurses – the AI may interpret that men and women are better suited for certain roles and make biased decisions when filtering applications.
This is called AI gender bias— when the AI treats people differently on the basis of their gender, because that’s what it learned from the biased data it was trained on.
Full article published by UN Women on 5 February 2025.