Skip to main content

Women's Leadership

Women contribute socially, economically and culturally, yet their voices are not adequately reflected in governance. Increasing women’s participation strengthens democracy and inclusive development,’’ the seasoned parliamentarian stated.

Jagne, served in The Gambia’s parliament from 2007 to 2017 and concurrently represented the country at the ECOWAS Parliament from 2007 to 2015. In 2010, she became the first President of ECOFEPA, transforming it into a structured regional platform for female lawmakers across West Africa.

At the national level, she was among the few women elected through the ballot in 2007 and notably seconded the landmark Women’s Act 2010, which strengthened legal protections for women.

She challenged political parties to remove structural barriers, reduce high nomination fees, and adopt gender quotas to increase female representation.

Similarly, she called for more opportunities to enhance women’s inclusion in politics, while also urging for mentorship and training opportunities so as to create safer internal party environments for women aspirants,

Full article.

Exile Hub is one of Global Voices’ partners in Southeast Asia, emerging in response to the 2021 coup in Myanmar, focusing on empowering journalists and human rights defenders. This edited article is republished under a content partnership agreement.

As a Burmese filmmaker shaped by her grandmother’s quiet defiance, Verse uses storytelling to challenge gender bias and uplift women whose voices are too often erased.

Verse began her professional journey in 2018 as a reporter at a local news agency in Myanmar. She dreamed of covering political news, but quickly encountered systemic gender bias. During a major assignment, male reporters were sent to Nay Pyi Taw to cover parliament-related matters, and she was told to stay behind.

She recalled the moment: “I was told women weren’t given those opportunities. I could not accept a workplace that denied my growth simply because I was a woman.”

She left journalism and joined a women’s rights organization, shifting her focus to human rights and feminist advocacy.

Full article

Exile Hub is one of Global Voices’ partners in Southeast Asia, emerging in response to the 2021 coup in Myanmar, focusing on empowering journalists and human rights defenders. This edited article is republished under a content partnership agreement.

Nay Nay’s journey began not in a bustling newsroom, but on the serene Rakhine coast of Myanmar. Yet fate had a different path in store, one that led her into the heart of truth-telling during Myanmar’s darkest moments.

The military coup shattered Myanmar’s fragile peace in 2021. Journalists quickly became targets, and the danger of arrest grew impossible to ignore. As the risk to her partner, also a woman journalist, intensified, Nay Nay made the agonizing decision to flee their homeland together. They sought refuge along the Thai–Myanmar border, a place of safety from persecution. In exile, Nay Nay continues her work as a news presenter at Lay Waddyi FM and, above all, a storyteller.

When Nay Nay first applied for the Feminist Storytelling Grant under Exile Hub, they planned to tell a deeply personal story of a lesbian couple navigating journalism amid conflict and displacement. It was a story of love, survival, and resilience. But as conversations unfolded, a broader and more urgent truth emerged.

Full article.

Analysis of new candidates suggests visible minority women are disproportionately steered toward unwinnable ridings, reinforcing long-standing inequities in party recruitment.

Examining the diversity of first-time candidates in last year’s federal election is a revealing exercise on many levels and serves as a sharper measure of distinct party efforts to recruit visible minority candidates.

By taking this analysis a step further and breaking down first-time visible minority candidates by gender, we find further evidence of a persistent gap in female candidates, whether visible minority or not.

Recent analyses have focused on women being nominated as sacrificial lamb candidates in unwinnable or swing ridings. Some exceptions have focused on visible minorities, either in the form of experimental polling or actual results.

Read More here. 

The Parliamentary Women’s Caucus is positioning itself not simply as a platform for representation, but as a force for influence within Malawi’s legislative process.

The Parliament of Malawi, in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and UN Women, convened an Orientation Workshop for the Women’s Caucus to strengthen its strategic role in shaping policy, advancing accountability, and championing gender equality. Opening the workshop, Hon. Mary Maulidi Khembo, MP, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Women’s Caucus, set the tone for the sessions, stating, “The Women’s Caucus is not an accessory to Parliament; it is a strategic engine of influence, advocacy, and accountability.” Her remarks underscored the Caucus's responsibility to build solidarity across party lines and ensure that women’s leadership translates into measurable progress.

Read More here.

Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) won the general election on 8 February 2026 in the biggest win for any Japanese party since the LDP’s formation in 1955. It captured 316 seats in the Diet’s lower house, well above the 233 seats needed for a simple majority. The LDP now also holds majorities in all 17 parliamentary committees, giving it immense power over decision-making.

But the real election winner was Sanae Takaichi, who first became prime minister in October 2025. Pre-election polls, conversations with LDP candidates and YouTube viewing data suggested that her popularity underpinned a significant portion of the LDP’s vote. When Takaichi called the election on 19 January 2026, she wanted a stronger mandate for her leadership. The results show she has it.

Japanese voters have been hungry for something different from the elderly male leaders who have long headed the LDP. Takaichi is certainly different.

She is a woman, the first to lead the LDP and Japan’s first female prime minister. The country was ready for a woman at the helm. She also comes from a non-political, non-wealthy background. For many voters, she has put the ‘representative’ back in representative democracy. Her public speaking and decisive style appealed to voters, and her widely publicised jam with South Korean President Lee Jae-myung also bolstered her image.

The same cannot be said for the confused — and confusing — main opposition party, the Centrist Reform Alliance (CRA), formed only weeks before the election when the left-leaning Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan merged with Komeito — the Buddhist-backed former LDP coalition partner. Both party leaders are over the age of 65 and have struggled to project dynamism. You know you are in trouble when the LDP looks cooler and more diverse than you.

Full article.

Gender quotas have become an important mechanism for promoting gender equality in political representation. This blog post explores their impact on women’s political empowerment, particularly in Malta, by discussing the historical context, current situation, and future prospects for gender equality in Maltese politics.

Understanding Gender Quotas

Gender quotas are affirmative measures designed to increase women’s participation in politics by reserving a certain proportion of seats for them. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), the goal is to provide a clearer pathway for women to enter political leadership, as they have historically been underrepresented. This is particularly relevant in Malta, where, despite advancements in other areas of gender equality, political representation remains unequal.

A Historical Overview of Women’s Political Participation in Malta

Women’s political participation in Malta has a long history, tied to the broader socio-political developments of the nation. Women were first granted the right to vote and run for office in 1947, preceding Maltese men who received this right three years later. However, significant measures aimed at improving female political representation only came in the 21st century. The Gender Corrective Mechanism, introduced in 2021, was a landmark policy. It mandates an increase in parliamentary seats if female representation falls below 40%, ensuring that women have a stronger foothold in Maltese politics.

Read here the full article published by Gender On The Ballot on 11 November 2024.

Image by Gender On The Ballot

 

Women currently serve as the head of government in just 13 of the 193 member states of the United Nations. This includes Mexico, where President Claudia Sheinbaum was sworn in as the country’s first female executive this week.

Mexico is one of nine countries where the current woman head of government is the country’s first, according to a Pew Research Center analysis.

Overall, 60 UN member states (31%) have ever had a woman serve as head of government. The first was Sri Lanka, then called Ceylon, where Sirimavo Bandaranaike began her first term as prime minister in 1960. Two other countries – India in 1966 and Israel in 1969 – saw their first women leaders during that decade.

Worldwide, the number of countries that have had women leaders has risen steadily since 1990. The biggest single-year increase occurred in 2010, when five countries – Australia, Costa Rica, Kyrgyzstan, Slovakia, and Trinidad and Tobago – were led by a woman for the first time.

60 countries have ever had a woman leader

Mia Mottley, the prime minister of Barbados, is the longest serving woman currently in office. Mottley has been in power for more than six years.

The title of longest-serving woman head of government in modern history is held by former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Hasina spent more than 20 total years in power but resigned and fled Bangladesh earlier this year, when mass protests against a quota system for government jobs turned into a more violent movement against her government. (She was also the oldest woman leader, according to a separate Pew Research Center analysis.)

Read here the full article published by the Pew Research Center on 3 October 2024.

Image credits: Pew Research Center

 

What you need to know:

  • Women politicians face steep costs, both financial and personal, as they navigate a landscape fraught with cultural barriers, discrimination, and systemic challenges.
  • Despite progress made since the 2010 Constitution, women's representation in Kenyan politics remains low.
  • Resilient leaders like Eddah Njeri, Naisula Lesuuda, and Myllene Bosibori encountered multifaceted obstacles, from exorbitant campaign expenses to sexual harassment and societal prejudices.
  • While initiatives to support them show promise, the road to equal representation remains long, calling for comprehensive reforms and a shift in cultural attitudes.

The sun had barely risen over Embu town when Eddah Njeri unlocked the door to one of her M-Pesa shops. As she arranged the day's float, her mind wasn't on mobile money transactions. Instead, it raced with campaign strategies, voter outreach plans, and the daunting financial hurdles that lay ahead. The successful businesswoman, had recently made the bold decision to run for the Kirimiri Ward seat in Manyatta Constituency.

Being a greenhorn in politics, she says, nothing had prepared her for the challenges to expect on the campaign trail and how she would overcome them.

As she embarked on her campaign journey, she would soon face a gauntlet of challenges that would test her resolve, drain her resources, and force her to confront deeply entrenched societal biases.

Read here the full article published by The Nation Africa on 20 September 2024.

Image credits: The Nation Africa

 

The struggle for gender parity in politics is far from over, but this week I felt a surge of hope for the future. This optimism stems not only from the increasing prominence of women in political leadership, exemplified by the potential for a woman to win the 2024 presidential election but also from a powerful gathering I attended on Tuesday.

Organized by RepresentWomen and Vote Run Lead, the luncheon was held as an ancillary event to the Democratic National Convention. "Women are the Winning Strategy: Solutions from the States" featured influential speakers such as Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) and policy advocate Maya Harris, along with women leaders from across the country.

The gathering not only highlighted the critical role of women in shaping the political landscape but also provided a fertile ground for fostering female leadership and activism.

A shared mission

RepresentWomen and Vote Run Lead are united in their commitment to dismantling the barriers that have historically hindered women's participation in politics.

RepresentWomen focuses on structural reforms, including ranked-choice voting and gender quotas, aiming to create a political environment where women can thrive. Vote Run Lead complements this mission by offering training and resources to women aspiring to run for office, equipping them with the skills needed to navigate and succeed in political campaigns.

The synergy between these two organizations is a powerful force in the movement for gender parity. RepresentWomen tackles the systemic issues that keep women out of politics, while Vote Run Lead empowers individual women to step into the political arena with confidence and competence. Together, they are not just advocating for change — they are actively creating it.

Read here the full article published by The Fulcrum on 23 August 2024.

Image by The Fulcrum

 

Executive Summary

In August 2013, RepresentWomen launched the Gender Parity Index (GPI) to help researchers and advocates track progress toward gender-balanced governance and identify opportunities for increasing women’s political representation in the U.S. Each year, we assign all 50 states a Gender Parity Score, letter grade, and ranking according to their proximity to parity. One of the key takeaways from this exercise is that progress toward gender balance is slower and less stable than it first appears.

In the first GPI, 40 states earned a “D” grade (< 25.0) or worse (< 10.0); the remaining 10 states were split evenly between “Cs” (< 33.0) and “Bs” (< 50.0), and no state achieved an “A” (50.0 and above). Eleven years later, two states (Oregon and Maine) have earned “A” grades, 22 states have earned “Bs” and “Cs,” and 26 states received a “D.” For the first time ever, no state has received an “F.”

However, great improvements in women’s representation often overshadow smaller changes that occur year-to-year. The 2024 Index reflects our complex political landscape, suggesting progress in women’s political representation may stagnate or even backslide. Every year shows differences both in the changes themselves and the magnitude of change. This Index shows the most movement for women at the state and local levels: Louisiana elected two new woman state executives, and Indiana elected nine new women to local offices.

Overall, women are still underrepresented at every level of government in the U.S., comprising over 50% of the population but holding just under one-third of all elected positions. To make lasting progress in women’s representation, we must take a systems-level approach that creates opportunities for women to enter the political sphere and supports the women already in office.

Read here the full report published by RepresentWomen on 30 July 2024.

Image by RepresentWomen

 

São Paulo witnessed a historic change in the 2020 municipal electionsFour Black women were elected as councillors — over 72 years, the capital of São Paulo state has elected only six Black women councillors in total. 

However, the proportion of women among the 55 members of the City Council — the largest in Brazil — is still below that of the general population. In São Paulo, for every 10 councillors, two are women. When taking into account all of the metropolitan region, the average falls to one woman councillor for every 10 deputies in the town halls.

When looking at municipal councils, the situation seems even more difficult: only three of the 39 cities in Greater São Paulo have women mayors.

According to the platform TSE Women, of the High Electoral Court, women comprise more than half (52 percent) of the electorate in Brazil. However, the number of votes won by women candidates between 2016 and 2022 was 33 percent, with 15 percent of them being elected. 

A few months before new elections in the 5,565 Brazilian municipalities, scheduled for next October, Agência Mural talked to councillors, community leaders, and experts about why it is so difficult for women, especially from peripheral, poorer areas, to enter institutional politics, and also about the journeys of those who were elected.

Read here the full article published by Global Voices on 18 June 2024.

Image by Global Voices