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When a woman parliamentary aspirant in Nyeri County withdrew from an election race after a fabricated sex video was circulated online, the attack went beyond humiliating one individual. It was a calculated attempt to police women's participation in public life by weaponising gender stereotypes and technology, as documented in a 2025 briefing paper on online violence against women in politics in Kenya by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, in which she recounted her experience.

Her story mirrors a growing pattern across Africa, where women in politics are facing coordinated online attacks. In South Sudan, artificial intelligence (AI) was reportedly used to manipulate an image of a senior woman leader, digitally undressing her and placing her suggestively alongside a man. After the image spread online, she was dismissed from office.

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Online violence is real violence. The manosphere – an umbrella term for communities that promote harmful definitions of masculinity – serves as its nursery.

As UN Women, we are taking action against digital abuse, one of the fastest growing forms of gender-based violence, and countering the spread of the manosphere’s toxic influence.

The manosphere targets male audiences in all digital spaces, including social media, podcasts, gamer communities, and even dating apps. Many men and boys engage with the content in search of forums to learn about men’s issues. But the solutions and discussions veer far from healthy advice, promoting instead ideas of harsh self-discipline, emotional control and physical dominance over others, especially women and girls.

Like many communities, the manosphere spreads its ideas with its own unique terminology and cultural references. This includes coded language for gendered hate speech, pseudoscience and other harmful lies – even certain phrases that might be considered harmless outside of these online communities.

While internet slang and the manosphere’s glossary are always expanding, familiarizing yourself with some of these common terms can help you spot misogynist content in your feed.

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Nigerians will return to the polls in 2027. Campaigns will commence, crowds will fill the streets for party rallies, but the most consequential decisions about the elections are already happening. They are taking place in party offices, at the homes of powerful political godfathers, and in selection processes that most Nigerians never attend and sometimes don’t hear about.

This is where the most vulnerable group, young women, lose. Nearly half of Nigeria’s population is female and more than 70% is younger than 30 years. Yet women and young people continue to be grossly underrepresented in the country’s politics. Nationally, 6.7% of elected positions and appointments are occupied by women. The global average is 22.5% and Africa’s is 23.4%.

Those who want to contest for elective offices signify their interest at their wards, where they must secure support before going to the local governments or senatorial zones or states. This depends on the offices they want to vie for.

Two changes have been made in the past 10 years to address the underrepresentation of women and young people. The first was the 2018 Age Reduction Law, also known as Not Too Young to Run. It lowered the minimum candidacy age to 25 for State Houses of Assembly and the House of Representatives. Then in 2022 the country’s two dominant parties, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), announced fee waivers for women and a 50% discount for young aspirants. These are fees paid to political parties to purchase nomination forms.

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Years before Jan (preferred pronoun “he”), a 33-year-old non-binary Egyptian, came out or even knew about the LGBTQ+ community, he would search online for people like him. He often found himself deceived by strangers on social media — people pretending to be LGBTQ+, or men posing as women.

Like many queer Egyptians, he was searching for connection in a digital landscape designed to expose him.

A few years ago, Jan adopted a new name for safety, deleted all his old social media accounts and rebuilt his online presence from scratch. The fear of being tracked by security forces, anti-LGBTQ+ groups, or far-right actors shaped every decision he made online. On an earlier account, he met members of the community who guided him through basic digital protection practices. For the first time, he felt a degree of safety.

Homosexuality in Egypt: A dangerous secret

According to a report by Transat, a trans rights organization in Egypt, transgender and gender non-binary people in Egypt live under a repressive system that perpetuates violence, discrimination, and stigma in various areas of life. This includes the private sphere, where domestic violence and deprivation of family support are prevalent, as well as the public sphere, where discrimination in education and the labor market persists. It also includes systematic legal and societal harassment that exposes LGBTQ+ individuals to direct targeting through the state’s repressive laws and practices.

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The Nicaraguan Government has used gender-based violence as a tool of political repression against women, girls, and LGBTIQ+ individuals, according to a new report released by the United Nations Group of Human Rights Experts on Nicaragua.

The report states that authorities have employed gender-specific forms of persecution to punish and silence people perceived as opponents of the Government. Since 2018, thousands of individuals across the country have reportedly faced violations, abuses, and acts that UN experts describe as crimes against humanity. Among those affected are women human rights defenders, feminists, journalists, political activists, students, rural workers, Indigenous women, Afro-descendant women, and members of the LGBTIQ+ community.

Ariela Peralta Distéfano, a member of the Group of Experts, said many women have faced political persecution that was intensified by gender discrimination and deeply rooted stereotypes.

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As political activities gradually gather momentum ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections, young Nigerians have expressed concerns over declining trust in democratic institutions, persistent barriers to women’s political participation and the need for stronger civic education.

The concerns were raised at Caustival 2026, a social justice arts and film festival organised by Gatefield in Abuja on Saturday.

Held under the theme, “We Decide,” the festival brought together artists, filmmakers, activists, researchers and citizens to examine questions of power, inclusion and civic responsibility through film screenings, exhibitions, performances and public conversations.

The event featured discussions on the realities shaping Nigeria’s democratic future, with participants calling for stronger citizen engagement and greater inclusion in governance processes.

One of the festival’s most notable activities was a mock voting exercise that was deliberately disrupted, prompting participants to reflect on public trust in electoral processes and the vulnerabilities that can undermine democratic participation.

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Young people’s urban lives are often riddled with inequalities and everyday obstacles inhibiting their full societal participation, to negatively affect their health and wellbeing. Findings from a study in intermediary cities in six countries show that programming interventions that support adolescents contain much tacit knowledge in on how inequity and exclusion challenges may be overcome, that is worth sharing. Yet, these initiatives also face and must strategically respond.

Today, Equity, Diversity and Inclusion has become a dirty word in some political circles. US presidential action ostensively seeking to curtail ‘illegal and immoral discrimination’ has involved the immediate termination of federal government policies, programs, and activities towards advancing equity and inclusion. Simultaneously, a sledgehammer has been put to USAID, creating havoc in countless international development projects globally, and causing real, immediate and enduring harm to people’s livelihoods, lives and health, with children and adolescents being amongst those hardest hit.

This hostility towards equity and inclusion stands in sharp contrast to what young people and adults supporting them in health and wellbeing projects in intermediary cities in Colombia, Ecuador, Ghana, India, Senegal and Vietnam have recently told us.

Read here the full article published by the Institute of Development Studies on 3 April 2025.

Image by HCA-II programme and Alza Tu Voz project

 

Context

Women across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region continue to face underrepresentation in political and economic spheres, which limits their ability to shape important political and economic decisions. Although several countries in the region have introduced rules to increase women’s participation, their perspectives and needs remain largely excluded from both national and regional negotiations. Furthermore, as conflicts in the region persist and escalate, women face additional barriers, which undermine the progress already made towards achieving gender equality.

Approach

The project focuses on increasing women’s political and economic participation in the MENA region through targeted actions and collaborations. To achieve this, it implements the following measures:

  • The project provides tailored advice and development opportunities to economic and political change agents, enhancing the impact of their work.
  • It shares successful and innovative strategies across the region to encourage adoption in other countries, with the goal of increasing women’s participation.
  • The project cooperates with national and regional networks to implement measures that promote women’s involvement in economic and political life.
  • It promotes women’s fundamental human rights, ensuring they can influence policies that advance gender equality and inclusion in the MENA region.
  • The project raises awareness across various age groups, fostering a more active role for women in political and economic activities.

Read here the full article published by GIZ on 8 November 2024.

Image by GIZ

 

This scoping study presents an in-depth exploration of youth political participation, focusing on the design and implementation of youth-related policies. The policy tracker study is based on a comprehensive literature and policy review, tracking key developments from 1980 to 2023. It covers three main areas:

•Youth involvement in political affairs,

•Participation in elections,

•And engagement in civil society, with an emphasis on democratic environments.

It is divided into two key parts, examining academic literature and significant policy shifts across four distinct epochs, providing valuable insights for policymakers and programme designers in the field of youth political engagement.

By systemically analysing research and policy documents that have shaped the policy discourse over the last four decades, the study brings a new perspective on the evolution of youth participation in politics across four key epochs. It offers a unique chronological order highlighting key trends and shifts in youth policymaking while situating them within broader democratic practices. By expanding the understanding of youth participation, the study provides insights for future avenues of research and development of more youth-inclusive policies.

Read here the full report published by the Youth Democracy Report on 16 September 2024.

Image credits: Youth Democracy Cohort

 

Several Indonesian thinktanks have unofficially assessed that female representation in Indonesia’s national parliament (DPR) for the term 2024-2029 would stand at about 19.65 per cent. If this proves correct, the proportion of women legislators in the new government will be lower than in previous years. During the 2019-2024 term, women’s representation in the DPR was at 20.9 per cent, surpassing 17.32 per cent after the 2014 elections, whereas during Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s presidency (2004 and 2009 elections), women legislators accounted for only 11.1 and 17.86 per cent of legislators, respectively.

While improvements in Indonesia’s electoral system and the internal structures of political parties are needed to provide more opportunities for women to participate in politics, the cultural attitudes of young voters (17-40 years old) towards gender roles and female political leadership are also crucial. As the most significant demographic of voters in the recent elections, at 56 per cent of the electorate, Indonesia’s youth wield significant influence. Examining their current attitudes toward gender equality is essential for envisioning the future of women’s political participation and leadership.

Read here the full article published by Fulcrum on 24 April 2024.

Photo by Fulcrum

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Last week, former prime minister Tony Abbott called for more women to be represented in the Australian parliament. While his comments were focused on the Liberal Party, they did remind us of the consistent gap that remains between the number of men and women in the nation’s parliament.

This is highly problematic, as a lack of women in the national legislature suggests our political system is misfiring.

The inequality of gender representation also undermines the democratic notion of government being for the people, by the people.

This problem isn’t unique to Australia, as many other countries continue to have fewer women than men representing the community in the national parliament.

Australia became a world leader when, in 1902, women gained the power to vote, and also stand for election to the parliament of Australia. But it took more than 40 years until, in 1943, Enid Lyons and Dorothy Tangney became the first women elected to the national parliament.

The situation has changed since the 1940s, but we’re still a long way from enjoying gender parity in parliament. For example, at the start of 2024, Australia was ranked 37th in the world for the percentage of women in its national parliament, with just 38% of seats in the House of Representatives (where governments are formed) being held by women. The story is somewhat better in the upper house, as 57% of seats are occupied by women.

Read here the full article published by the Monash University on 15 April 2024.

Image source: Monash University

Three quarters (77%) of women are not comfortable expressing political opinions online because of fears they will be targeted by harmful online behaviours such as misogyny, trolling, threats and harassment, according to new research published today (Wednesday 20 March) at AI UK, the UK's national showcase of data science and AI hosted by The Alan Turing Institute.

The survey found that while men and women reported seeing harmful content online almost equally overall, women reported being directly targeted by misogyny, cyberstalking, cyberflashing, eating disorder content, and image based sexual abuse to a significantly greater extent than men.  

Women are also significantly more fearful of experiencing every type of harm that they were asked about.

The research also found that women were 96% more likely than men to say they had been left feeling sad or low as a result of an online experience, and 47% more likely than men to say they had been left with physical symptoms such as insomnia or headaches.  

The research also looked at the use of safety tools and across all seven tools surveyed, including disabling location sharing, making accounts private and limiting who can engage with posts, women consistently report using these tools to a greater extent than men. This could suggest that women feel the need to do more to protect themselves from online harms.

Click here to read the full article published by The Alan Turing Institute on 20 March 2024. 

Image source: The Alan Turing Institute