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Youth

The Gen-Z-led uprising in Nepal did not erupt out of nowhere – it emerged from intersecting pressures that had been quietly building for decades. The first was a collective discontent with entrenched political corruption and nepotism – a system where bribery has long been normalised, taxpayer money is routinely embezzled into private pockets, and political leaders live lavish lives with little accountability. This simmering resentment found a visual language on TikTok, where young Nepalis began mirroring a trend seen across Asia: publicly calling out the children of politicians by exposing their designer clothes, luxury travel, and elite lifestyles.

The second trigger came when the Nepali government abruptly banned major social media platforms including TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, and X, citing regulatory failures. Many citizens however, believed the ban was an attempt to suppress the growing anti-corruption discourse ahead of elections. These two forces collided on 8 September 2025 as tens of thousands took to the streets in protest. What began peacefully turned deadly by the afternoon, when police fired live rounds into crowds. In the days that followed, the total death toll rose to 76, with over 2,000 people injured.i

The public’s anger proved uncontainable over the next two days. Protesters set fire to businesses, the parliament building, and several politicians’ homes. Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned. The unrest eventually subsided only after the military assumed control, imposing a curfew of three days. Meanwhile, over 100,000 people, mainly from Gen Z, discussed and debated on Discord groups about potential interim leaders.ii

Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female chief justice, emerged as the most popular choice due to her strong anti-corruption stance and was subsequently elected as interim Prime Minister through formal political channels, making her the first woman in Nepal’s history to hold the highest political office. Her rise was not just a response to crisis, but a reflection of how public trust, digital momentum, and political urgency began to align. These events can be explored further through three critical lenses: digital mobilisation, diaspora involvement, and gendered visibility.

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India’s democracy has grown in scale, but not quite in balance. Women today are active participants in elections, influencing outcomes in ways that were not as visible earlier. Yet their presence in legislative institutions continues to lag behind. The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam was meant to address this gap through reservation. But its linkage with delimitation brought in an element of delay, and perhaps even a degree of distrust, raising a basic question: does this present imbalance really need to wait for a redrawing of boundaries to be addressed?

The Representation Deficit: More than Just Numbers

The gap is easy to quantify, but harder to justify. In the 18th Lok Sabha (2024), only 74 women were elected – about 13.6% of the House. This is not dramatically different from where we were years ago. Progress has been slow, almost reluctant.

Globally, women make up over a quarter of national parliaments. In India, both at the Centre and in most state assemblies, we remain well below that mark. What makes this more puzzling is that women are no longer politically invisible as voters. They turn up, they decide, and increasingly, they influence electoral outcomes. Yet, they are still missing at the table where decisions are made.

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Working in feminist communications and advocacy, Verónica sees media not simply as a profession, but as a powerful political tool. The creation of Pícara emerged from a sense of exclusion and the need to confront violence, challenge stereotypes, and reshape public narratives around women and gender-diverse people. When Verónica and her classmates graduated with degrees in communication, traditional media environments felt unwelcoming and unsafe. “It was as if we didn’t belong there,” she recalls, and participation often meant exposure to “multiple forms of violence.” Rather than accepting those conditions, they decided to create a feminist communication space that could operate differently — one that would actively work to “break stereotypes and debunk some myths.”

What united the founders of Pícara was a shared belief that communication could drive social change. They connected with other feminist colleagues who viewed media as “a tool for transformation,” and from that collective vision, Pícara was born.

Central to Verónica’s work is the power of language. “We focus primarily on the use of language as a tool for transformation,” she explains, emphasizing how words shape how experiences are named, understood, and addressed. In Argentina, feminist movements have long fought to change the narratives surrounding violence against women. One of the most significant shifts was moving away from describing the murder of women as crimes of passion to naming them as femicides.

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UNITED NATIONS, New York – As technology reshapes our world, a staggering 85 per cent of women have witnessed online violence against other women, and 38 per cent have been personally affected. 

Yet despite its proliferation, technology-facilitated gender-based violence is still too often dismissed or inadequately addressed, by both policymakers and technology companies.

At the 59th Commission on Population and Development, held at the United Nations Headquarters this month, global leaders agreed there can be no digital inclusion without digital safety. As they convened to discuss how technology and research are influencing sustainable development, participants also examined the urgent need for digital spaces that are designed and governed with safety and human rights at their core.

A central concern is the rise of technology-facilitated gender-based violence – including cyberstalking, doxxing, digital surveillance and non-consensual sharing of intimate images – which disproportionately affects women, girls and other marginalized groups. 

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Dhaka: Bangladesh is witnessing a quiet yet devastating rise in the misuse of technology with rising incidents of women being targetted by superimposing their faces onto pornographic content.

Enabled by Artificial Intelligence (AI), this practice, known as 'deepfake', primarily targets women, with consequences - such as social ruin, forced withdrawal from public life, and, in the worst cases, death - borne almost entirely by the victims, a report said.

According to a report in Bangladesh's leading newspaper 'Daily Sun', the victims come from diverse walks of life, including students, activists, professionals, politicians, actresses, and anonymous private individuals.

"In one of the most devastating cases documented in Bangladesh, a woman took her own life after an AI-edited video of her was shared with her family. The perpetrator understood precisely how Bangladeshi social structures work — family honour, community judgement, and the irreversibility of digital shame — and used a fabricated video to trigger all three at once. Her death was not an accident of technology. It was the intended result of its deliberate misuse," the report detailed.

Full article.

Today, on International Women’s Day, UNICEF reaffirms its commitment to advancing the rights of every girl – and ensuring that girls can thrive in an increasingly digital world.

Around the globe, progress toward gender equality remains uneven. Despite decades of advancement, harmful social norms and discriminatory practices continue to limit the opportunities of millions of girls. As societies become more connected through technology, these inequalities are not only reflected online – they are often amplified in digital spaces.

Maldives is among the most digitally connected societies in the South Asia region. With internet access reaching the vast majority of the population and social media widely used across islands and generations, digital platforms have become an integral part of daily life, shaping how young people learn, communicate, and participate in society.

For girls, these platforms offer powerful opportunities to learn new skills, access information, and raise their voices. Yet the same spaces can also expose girls to new and evolving forms of harm.

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This scoping study presents an in-depth exploration of youth political participation, focusing on the design and implementation of youth-related policies. The policy tracker study is based on a comprehensive literature and policy review, tracking key developments from 1980 to 2023. It covers three main areas:

Youth involvement in political affairs,

Participation in elections,

And engagement in civil society, with an emphasis on democratic environments.

It is divided into two key parts, examining academic literature and significant policy shifts across four distinct epochs, providing valuable insights for policymakers and programme designers in the field of youth political engagement.

By systemically analysing research and policy documents that have shaped the policy discourse over the last four decades, the study brings a new perspective on the evolution of youth participation in politics across four key epochs. It offers a unique chronological order highlighting key trends and shifts in youth policymaking while situating them within broader democratic practices. By expanding the understanding of youth participation, the study provides insights for future avenues of research and development of more youth-inclusive policies.

Read here the full report published by the Youth Democracy Report on 16 September 2024.

Image credits: Youth Democracy Cohort

 

Several Indonesian thinktanks have unofficially assessed that female representation in Indonesia’s national parliament (DPR) for the term 2024-2029 would stand at about 19.65 per cent. If this proves correct, the proportion of women legislators in the new government will be lower than in previous years. During the 2019-2024 term, women’s representation in the DPR was at 20.9 per cent, surpassing 17.32 per cent after the 2014 elections, whereas during Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s presidency (2004 and 2009 elections), women legislators accounted for only 11.1 and 17.86 per cent of legislators, respectively.

While improvements in Indonesia’s electoral system and the internal structures of political parties are needed to provide more opportunities for women to participate in politics, the cultural attitudes of young voters (17-40 years old) towards gender roles and female political leadership are also crucial. As the most significant demographic of voters in the recent elections, at 56 per cent of the electorate, Indonesia’s youth wield significant influence. Examining their current attitudes toward gender equality is essential for envisioning the future of women’s political participation and leadership.

Read here the full article published by Fulcrum on 24 April 2024.

Photo by Fulcrum

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Last week, former prime minister Tony Abbott called for more women to be represented in the Australian parliament. While his comments were focused on the Liberal Party, they did remind us of the consistent gap that remains between the number of men and women in the nation’s parliament.

This is highly problematic, as a lack of women in the national legislature suggests our political system is misfiring.

The inequality of gender representation also undermines the democratic notion of government being for the people, by the people.

This problem isn’t unique to Australia, as many other countries continue to have fewer women than men representing the community in the national parliament.

Australia became a world leader when, in 1902, women gained the power to vote, and also stand for election to the parliament of Australia. But it took more than 40 years until, in 1943, Enid Lyons and Dorothy Tangney became the first women elected to the national parliament.

The situation has changed since the 1940s, but we’re still a long way from enjoying gender parity in parliament. For example, at the start of 2024, Australia was ranked 37th in the world for the percentage of women in its national parliament, with just 38% of seats in the House of Representatives (where governments are formed) being held by women. The story is somewhat better in the upper house, as 57% of seats are occupied by women.

Read here the full article published by the Monash University on 15 April 2024.

Image source: Monash University

Three quarters (77%) of women are not comfortable expressing political opinions online because of fears they will be targeted by harmful online behaviours such as misogyny, trolling, threats and harassment, according to new research published today (Wednesday 20 March) at AI UK, the UK's national showcase of data science and AI hosted by The Alan Turing Institute.

The survey found that while men and women reported seeing harmful content online almost equally overall, women reported being directly targeted by misogyny, cyberstalking, cyberflashing, eating disorder content, and image based sexual abuse to a significantly greater extent than men.  

Women are also significantly more fearful of experiencing every type of harm that they were asked about.

The research also found that women were 96% more likely than men to say they had been left feeling sad or low as a result of an online experience, and 47% more likely than men to say they had been left with physical symptoms such as insomnia or headaches.  

The research also looked at the use of safety tools and across all seven tools surveyed, including disabling location sharing, making accounts private and limiting who can engage with posts, women consistently report using these tools to a greater extent than men. This could suggest that women feel the need to do more to protect themselves from online harms.

Click here to read the full article published by The Alan Turing Institute on 20 March 2024. 

Image source: The Alan Turing Institute

Young people form a large share of the global population, but they make up only a small proportion of members of parliament around the world. This disparity is greatest among younger cohorts: while half of people worldwide are under age 30, and 18% of people are between the ages of 20 and 29, this report finds that only 2.8% of parliamentarians are aged 30 or under. The exclusion of youth from these spaces is not only unjust, but also has important policy implications. By virtue of their age, younger generations will live the longest with the consequences of legislation passed today. If young people’s voices are not heard, these laws are not likely to reflect their political priorities and perspectives, making it less likely that attention will be paid to issues like education, unemployment and climate change.

Click here to read the full report published by the Inter-Parliamentary Union on 19 October 2023.

 

This year’s State of the World’s Girls report is focused on girls’ and young women’s political participation.

It explores their attitudes towards, and experiences of, political and civic participation and institutions, across many different backgrounds.

The report is based on a large-scale survey of almost 29,000 girls and young women aged 15-24 from 29 countries spanning all regions, income levels and civic contexts. Additionally, researchers conducted in-depth interviews with 94 girls and young women across 18 countries.

Click here to access the report.