Advocacy & Lobbying
Across Africa, women are being murdered at alarming rates, often by intimate partners or a male family member. Tragically, in 2022, the continent recorded the highest number of femicides by intimate partners and family members, with an estimated 20,000 women and girls losing their lives.
In Kenya, for instance, media reports indicate a sharp rise in cases of women killed by intimate partners. Sadly, Olympic marathon runner Rebecca Cheptegei was one of the recent victims of femicide. However, there is no official tracking system for all women who fall victim to gender-based violence, particularly femicide.
According to statistics released by Africa Data Hub, which has been tracking femicide cases reported in newspapers, 546 women and girls were killed in Kenya between 2016 and 2023. Cases of gender-based violence and femicide, which is an extreme form of gender violence, dominated the news at the beginning of the year 2024.
More than ten women lost their lives to violence at the hands of men in January 2024 alone. Two notable femicide cases which hit the news in that same month were that of Scarlet Wahu, who was murdered on January 3, and Rita Waeni, murdered on January 14. Their deaths sparked the largest-ever femicide protests recorded in Kenya, which took place in various towns and counties on January 27, with activists calling the government to declare femicide a national crisis. The Nairobi protest was dubbed #TotalShutDownKe.
Read here the full article published by Global Voices on 16 October 2024.
Image by Global Voices
Many women in Tajikistan are subject to all-encompassing control over nearly every aspect of their daily lives: from husbands, family members, and the state. This trend was intensified when President Emomali Rahmon on June 21, 2024 signed a law effectively banning clothing perceived as “inconsistent” with Tajik national culture.
State regulation of women’s clothing
The campaign to restrict what women may wear in public began in 2007 in Tajikistan, when wearing the hijab was banned in schools, and from 2009 in public institutions. In 2015, the Tajik authorities reportedly held meetings with schools and women's clothing sellers to educate them about the importance of the Tajik national dress.
In 2017, the authorities cracked down on shops selling dolls dressed in hijabs or other types of Islamic dress. Rahmon, who has served as president since 1994, also ordered a special commission to identify a more “appropriate” dress code for citizens.
In September 2017, people in Tajikistan received text messages from the government reminding them to wear national costumes at “traditional gatherings,” enforcing a law from August 2017 requiring citizens to wear national dress at events such as weddings and funerals.
In 2018, the ministry of culture went further and published a 367-page book titled “The Guidebook To Recommended Outfits In Tajikistan” aimed at girls and women from age seven. It included recommendations on sleeve lengths, skirt lengths, fabrics, and recommendations for shoes: heels are a must. Although the book was not written into law, it sent a strong message to the women of Tajikistan. What they wear is not their own choice.
Read here the full article published by Global Voices on 6 October 2024.
Image by Global Voices
Argentina was the only G20 member country that refused to sign a gender equality and women empowerment statement put forward by Brazil on Monday. The document includes a list of commitments aimed at “ending gender-based violence and misogyny.”
The decision has further tensed the relationship with Brazil, which currently holds the temporary presidency of the G20. An official from the Lula da Silva administration criticized Argentina’s refusal, calling it part of an “advance of the far right.”
The G20 — which groups the countries with the largest economies in the world — is made up of Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Republic of Korea, Republic of South Africa, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, African Union, and the European Union.
The document signed by ministers in charge of gender issues of each country includes a list of issues women and girls face due to sexism and misogyny. It mentions gender-based violence, poverty, the pay gap, and the violation of their sexual and reproductive rights. The statement also included the commitments member countries are willing to make to end them. It should be noted that the G20 does not enforce compliance with these measures.
Read here the full article published by Buenos Aires herald on 15 October 2024.
Image by Buenos Aires Herald
The World Bank Group (WBG) released its final 2024-2030 Gender Strategy in mid-June, following over a year of public consultation. With little significant change from the draft shared with stakeholders in October 2023 (see Observer Autumn 2023), followers of the process await details about the strategy’s implementation plan and a clearer picture of how it will apply to the International Development Association (IDA) 21st replenishment (see Observer Autumn 2024, Summer 2024) and the new Corporate Scorecard (see Observer Autumn 2024). Thus far it seems that the Bank’s new Gender Strategy will end up watered down to a limited number of indicators on ‘financial inclusion’ in the Scorecard and a gender ‘lens’ in IDA21 – despite civil society repeatedly calling for a more holistic, rights-based and wellbeing-centred approach throughout the Gender Strategy consultations. Bank staff have stated that gender will be a key theme of this year’s Annual Meetings in Washington DC in October. Yet, there are warning signs that real substance behind the gender push will have regressed.
In the current polycrisis, with global political instability, rising debt and subsequent austerity measures, numerous violent conflicts and worsening climate change, gender equality and women’s rights are falling behind. Commitments on gender must be ambitious and transformative. As the strategy was being developed, civil society called for ambitious and transformative commitments from the Bank that would centre a gender lens and provide adequate financing across its operations (see Briefing, Civil Society calls for rethink of World Bank’s ‘evolution roadmap’ as part of wider reforms to highly unequal global financial architecture). Long awaited references to women’s rights as human rights were included in the new Gender Strategy – a first for the Bank – and the value of public services to women and girls was also emphasised, with the strategy stating it “supports public sector financing for core services.” However, a more holistic view of what it takes to achieve gender equality is missing from both the draft IDA21 policy package and the recently launched Corporate Scorecard.
Read here the full article published by Bretton Woods Proj. on 16 October 2024.
Image by Bretton Woods Proj.
A research study by Voice of Women Radio has shown why women don’t vote for female political aspirants in Nigeria.
The reasons ranged from their ignorance of the existing female political aspirants to beliefs that existing female political aspirants are inexperienced. Similarly, many women in the grassroots believe that men are better leaders than women.
There is also the issue of culture, inaccessibility of campaign funding for women as their male counterparts, and family upbringing, which favour males taking up leadership roles. However, higher among the reasons is female electives’ inability to connect with or impact their female electorates once elected into office.
The report detailing the research carried out in the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria reveals that only 31 percent of 83 percent of female voters (that is, 8 out of 10 women possessing permanent voters’ cards) voted for women at the last elections.
Read here the full article published by Leadership News Nigeria on 8 October 2024.
Image by Leadership News Nigeria
Implementation Of The Beijing Declaration And Platform For Action (1995) And The Outcomes Of The Twenty Third Special Session Of The General Assembly (2000) In The Context Of The Of The Thirtieth Anniversary Of The Fourth World Conference On Women And The Adoption Of The Beijing Declaration And Platform For Action 2020
Read here the full country report published by UN Women Africa on 30 September 2024.
In the vast landscape of Mongolia, the traditional nomadic lifestyle is deeply rooted in the fabric of its culture.
Gers, the round white felt tents, have served as the traditional homes of the Mongolian people. They have supported their nomadic way of life and culture since before the time of Chinggis Khan.
In the heart of these nomadic homes, two columns, known as "Bagana (Багана),” stand equally in their position. But these are not mere architectural elements supporting the Gers; they are like quiet messengers with a powerful story to tell. These columns serve as symbols of gender equality, with each one representing men and women, beautifully embodying the core principles of harmony and balance in Mongolian culture.
Despite this rich culture, gender inequality still prevails in Mongolia; men and women have not been equally seen in decision-making processes. The country currently ranks 133rd in terms of women's representation in decision-making, with only 17.1 percent of parliamentary seats held by women, falling below the global average of 26.5 percent.
But the narrative runs deeper. Today, Mongolian women continue to face insufficient support during their pregnancy and child-rearing while continuously battling against deeply ingrained gender stereotypes.
The recent UNDP Gender Social Norms Index report confirms this sobering reality. It shows that 97% of Mongolians hold biases against women, often believing men are better political leaders. These biases, rooted in patriarchal values, create systematic barriers for women in politics and public decision-making.
It is an undeniable reality that Mongolian women face every day.
Read here the full article published by the UNDP Mongolia on 13 September 2023.
In September 2022, I had the opportunity to organize a roundtable at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (APSA), connected to my 2021 APSA Distinguished Award for Civic and Community Engagement. First conferred in 2020, the award honors “significant civic or community engagement activity by a political scientist which merges knowledge and practice and has an impact outside of the profession or the academy.” In my case, it recognized work I had been doing since 2015 with the National Democratic Institute and other global practitioners to recognize and combat violence against women in politics as a distinct form of violence aimed at preventing and undermining women’s political participation.
Click here to read the full article published by Cambridge University Press on 9 August 2023.
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Somalia grapples with unique cultural, societal, and structural hurdles that hinder women’s access to political processes. Despite introducing a non-legally binding quota, the most recent federal elections in 2022 saw a decline in women’s parliamentary representation. Beyond this, women’s leadership in public spaces remains inadequate at all levels. Patriarchal norms, gender stereotypes, and cultural barriers hinder women’s full participation in decision-making, with women predominantly perceived as homemakers, with caregiving responsibilities.
Click here to read the full article published by Relief Web on 01 August 2023.
A core component of the three-year regional OECD-MENA Transition Fund project on “Promoting women’s participation in parliaments and policy-making,” is conducting a country-based, peer-reviewed assessment of the existing opportunities and current challenges faced by women candidates. The purpose of this report is to present the findings of this assessment, with a view to identifying targeted policy recommendations that can be implemented to accelerate progress towards gender equality and women’s political empowerment in Jordan. Recommendations are based on findings of the assessment and international good practices.
This report presents both the enabling factors and obstacles in the election of more women to parliament and municipal councils. A second assessment analysed the parliament’s workplace operations, processes, internal procedures and policy-frameworks through a gender lens. The report reviews Jordan’s current legal framework, including adherence to international standards, and assesses the existence and effectiveness of the country’s institutions in promoting women’s political participation. Legal, institutional and social norms that serve as barriers to women’s political participation are highlighted in chapters 1, 2 and 4.
Click here to access the report.
Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women’s presence in politics. Latin America has been at the vanguard of this global discussion. In 2012, Bolivia became the only country in the world to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women.” Several other countries have similar legislation in the works. What explains the emergence of these bill proposals? This article argues that the creation of these bills is the result of three processes: activism at the local level used international norms to propose an innovative solution to a problem; women politicians and “femocrats” worked within the state apparatus to overcome resistance; and international actors worked to foster connections among activists and politicians across the region. In this process, international norms have been transformed, with important implications for women’s political representation.
Click here to access the article.