Elections
Women have been urged not to take back seats but participate actively in shaping politics in 2027. Women empowerment advocate and entrepreneur, Mrs. Omolara Kafilat Svenson Busari; Oyo State All Progressives Congress (APC) Women Leader, Alhaja Tinuade Adigun; the APC Women Leader in Egbeda local council of the state, Aderonke Adedeji, made the call during the third edition of the Women in Politics Sensitisation programme in Ibadan, Oyo State capital.
The initiative, themed, “Understanding Our Role in Active Politics”, was spearheaded by Mrs. Busari. The programme was a rallying call to empower women, dismantle long-standing barriers, cultivate leadership, and foster inclusive governance.
In her keynote address, Busari decried the continued under-representation of women in Nigeria’s political landscape, particularly in Oyo State. She emphasised that the marginalisation of women in decision-making roles is a critical factor stalling national development.
A record number of 42 female candidates were elected in Sunday’s Upper House election, marking a step forward for gender representation in Japan’s political landscape. Women won 33.6% of the 125 Upper House seats contested on Sunday, up from 35 seats in the last election in 2022.
Among the notable winners was a Democratic Party for the People (DPP) newcomer, Mayu Ushida. The 40-year-old former NHK newsreader won a seat in the highly competitive Tokyo district in which 32 candidates vied for seven seats.
“In the course of my campaign, especially since the middle of the election period, I have heard many voices from young women, students and young men — some who are 18 years old and just got the right to vote,” she said. “I really felt how anxious many of the young working generation are about their future, and felt their strong desire for something to be done.”
Full article available here.
Posters with the picture of a young woman wearing a faint smile, and her educational qualifications highlighted in bold red, are plastered across the village of Jheepa in Uttarakhand’s Almora district. Though at first glance it looks like any other poster, the message behind the absence of a man in the frame is not lost on anyone.
Sunita Devi, 32, is vying to become the gram pradhan of Jheepa, which votes in the second phase of the panchayat elections on July 28. She is the president of a women’s group called the Rachnatmak Mahila Manch that has thrown its hat in the ring for the first time since its inception in 2013, pledging to abolish the practice of “pradhan pati (husbands of elected women officials running the show as their proxies)”.
The decision to take the electoral plunge was taken at a cluster-level leader meeting of the nine “shram sakhis” — heads of the 11 clusters falling under the group — on Panchayati Raj Diwas on April 24, following which candidate selection was conducted in village-level meetings.
Full article available here.
Tokyo, July 4 (Jiji Press)--Women account for less than 30 pct of candidates competing in the July 20 election for Japan's House of Councillors, the upper chamber of parliament.
A total of 522 people filed their candidacies Thursday, when the official campaign period for the triennial Upper House election started. Of them, 152, or, 29.1 pct, are women.
Both the number of female candidates and their share were the second highest on record for an Upper House election, after 181 and 33.2 pct in the previous 2022 poll.
But the situation is far from sufficient in light of the country's law for promoting gender equality in politics, which calls on political parties to make the number of male and female candidates as equal as possible. The proportion for the July 20 poll also failed to meet the female candidate target of 35 pct set for this year under the government's basic plan for gender equality.
Japan ranked 118th among 148 countries in the World Economic Forum's global gender equality rankings for 2025, released last month.
Orginal article posted here.
Liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung has won South Korea’s snap presidential election with a clear lead. With all of the ballots counted, Lee won almost 50% of the vote, ahead of his conservative rival Kim Moon-soo on 41%. He takes over a country that is deeply divided along gender lines.
Lee’s campaign effectively channelled voter anger. He focused on resetting South Korea’s politics after impeached former president Yoon Suk Yeol, who was from the same party as Kim, unleashed chaos by declaring martial law in December 2024.
However, gender conflict has continued, subtly but powerfully, to shape voter behaviour, campaign strategies and the national debate about who is to blame for the lack of opportunities in South Korea for young men.
Full article by The Conversation.
Image by The Conversation
An Byunghui was in the middle of a video game on the night of 3 December when she learned that the South Korean president had declared martial law.
She couldn't quite believe it - until the internet blew up with the evidence. The shock announcement from then-president Yoon Suk Yeol, the now-famous shots of soldiers breaking down the windows of the National Assembly and MPs scaling the walls to force their way into the building so they could vote the motion down.
Within hours, thousands had spurred into protest, especially young women. And Byunghui joined them, travelling hundreds of miles from Daegu in the south-east to the capital Seoul.
They turned up not just because Yoon's decision had alarmed and angered them, but to protest against a president who insisted South Korea was free of sexism - despite the deep discrimination and flashes of violence that said otherwise.
They returned week after week as the investigation into Yoon's abuse of power went on - and they rejoiced when he was impeached after four dramatic months.
And yet, with the country set to elect a new president on 3 June, those very women say they feel invisible again.
The two main candidates have been largely silent about equality for women. A polarising subject, it had helped Yoon into power in 2022 as he vowed to defend men who felt sidelined in a world that they saw as too feminist. And a third candidate, who is popular among young men for his anti-feminist stance, has been making headlines.
For many young South Korean women, this new name on the ballot symbolises a new fight.
"So many of us felt like we were trying to make the world a better place by attending the [anti-Yoon] rallies," the 24-year-old college student says.
"But now, I wonder if anything has really improved… I can't shake the feeling that they're trying to erase women's voices."
Full article by the BBC.
Image source: BBC
Political parties act as gatekeepers, meaning that improvements in the representation of women depend on parties’ willingness to nominate women candidates. Previous research suggests that party characteristics and gender quotas largely explain women’s nominations, but overlooks the political context in which parties operate. This study highlights the gendered outcomes that occur when parties make nomination decisions in times of public discontent, namely increasing political distrust and increasing perceived corruption. We theorize that parties hold similar biases to voters: gender stereotypes that regard women as more trustworthy and honest should advantage women as political trust falls and perceptions of corruption rise. We hypothesize that parties nominate larger percentages of women in these circumstances. Using two waves of data from over 100 political parties in 18 Latin American countries, we find that parties nominate more women when a large proportion of the public distrusts the national legislature, providing support for the theory.
Click here to see the academic article.
Women ran for and were elected to office in record numbers in the 2018 election. They made historic gains across levels of office and reached new milestones for women’s political representation. But not all women achieved record levels of success in 2018. Republican women’s representation dropped across offices and within their party.
The progress for all women in election 2018 should also be put into important context. First, despite breaking records for candidacy and officeholding, women – who are just over half of the population – were still underrepresented among all candidates and remain less than one-third of elected officials.
Finally, measuring progress for women in electoral politics means looking beyond the numbers. When considering the gender and intersectional dynamics at play in U.S. campaigns, it is clear that there is much progress left to make in creating equitable conditions for success for women and men in American elections.
Click here to see the report.
The report on “The Empowerment of Women in Politics and the 6 th Legislature National Assembly Elections 2018” is an analysis of the data and views of Cambodian women’s participation in politics, especially the process of the 6th Legislature National Assembly (NA) Elections 2018.
This report looks in particular at the women’s political empowerment and elections; number of women candidates, measures for how to select women candidats, policies of political parties for promoting women’s political participation, political party platforms on women’s and children’s issues, challenges facing women both as voters and candidates including violence against women in politics. Also, it shows about women’s opinions on electoral progress, and activities related to promoting women’s participation in politics as well as the outcome of elected women representative from the single party CPP which dominated the election and the outcome. It also provides an overview of a rapid survey on “The reason of women voters who voted or have indelible ink on their finger and women voters who did not go to vote or have no indelible ink on their finger” conducted by Women Volunteer Citizens throughout the four provincial target area of COMFREL a day after the election and two case studies. The report closes with a set of recommendations to improve gender equality and women’s political empowerment in Cambodia.
Click here to see the report.
This policy paper aims to reconsider the concept of parity democracy in the current context of the EU and focusing on the elections to the EP in May 2019. As developed in the Athens Declaration, adopted at the European Summit of Women in Power in 1992, parity democracy stands on 5 basic arguments (equality, democracy, good use of human resources, needs and interests of women and quality of policy-making) which are recalled and updated with a view to provide stakeholders, including democrats standing for gender equality and feminist movements, with useful ammunitions to inform and convince EU citizens (women and men) to vote and to vote for women defending equality. This policy paper is, therefore, part of broader Gender Five Plus’ efforts to inform EU citizens and influence stakeholders for greater gender balance in the EU. The analysis in this policy paper is based on desk research, literature review and includes diverse forms of experience in EU policy-making. It is divided into four different parts and a list of recommendations. Part I tries to answer the question of why parity democracy is important to the EU; Part II focuses on why the EU and parity democracy are important to women; Part III analyses gender balance in the EU decision-making (focusing in the EP); Part IV examines the possible challenges and opportunities for fostering parity democracy in the current EU context and the conclusion provides space for a reflection on the EU that we want and need to build. Finally, derived from the analysis of the whole policy paper, a noncomprehensive list of recommendations is provided.
Click here to see the report.
IMF examines the impact of gender equality on electoral violence in Africa using micro-level data from the sixth round of Afrobarometer surveys. The sample covers 30 countries. IMF finds that gender equality is associated with lower electoral violence. Quantitatively, their estimates show that an increase in female-to-male labor force participation ratio by 1 percentage point is correlated with a reduction of the probability of electoral violence across the continent by around 4.2 percentage points. Their results are robust to alternative ways to measure electoral violence and gender equality, as well as to alternative specifications. The findings of this paper support the long-standing view that women empowerment contributes to the reduction of violence and underscore the urgency of addressing gender inequality in Africa.
Click here to see the report.
Understanding and explaining outbreaks of election-related violence is a complex task; predicting whether forthcoming elections will turn violent, which factors may underlie or trigger violence, and what can be done to prevent violence is even more difficult. One way to address the problem is to empower those who have immediate responsibility to prevent and mitigate election-related violence, such as electoral management bodies, security sector agencies and other state and non-state agencies.
The Electoral Risk Management Tool (ERM Tool) is designed to empower people to ensure peaceful and credible elections. The software aims to build the capacities of users to understand, analyse and mitigate electoral risks. Specifically, the ERM Tool can build users’ capacity to understand electoral risk factors; collect and analyse risk data; design prevention and mitigation strategies; and record the results of actions.
The software is accompanied by three Guides. This Prevention and Mitigation Guide aims to assist and inspire users to tailor strategies and actions for the prevention and mitigation of election-related violence. It is complemented by an Internal Factors Guide and an External Factors Guide which provide guidance to the users of the ERM Tool in identifying electoral risks in a given country and electoral context.
Click here to see the academic article.