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Despite progress towards gender equality in Australian elections, women remain underrepresented among candidates vying for office on May 3. They are also overrepresented in “glass cliff” seats, which are the ones that are difficult to win and precarious to hold.

The Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at the Australian National University has analysed 591 candidates in the election by gender, political party, and the seats they are contesting.

Our report published today finds that while the major parties are increasing the number of women they pre-select, they are more likely to be running in harder-to-win seats.

From the glass ceiling to the glass cliff

Women are inching towards gender parity and now make up 45% of candidates across all parties and independents.

Labor has made the strongest gains. More than half (56%) of its candidates are women, a jump of about 10 percentage points on the previous election. By comparison, only 32% of Coalition candidates are female, an increase of just 3% on the 2022 poll.

Coalition women are not only outnumbered two to one by male candidates – 84% of them are running in risky glass cliff seats.

Read here the full article published by The Conversation on 9 April 2025.

Image by The Conversation

 

While some progress has been made towards gender equality in Australian elections, women remain underrepresented among candidates in the 2025 federal election, a new report from The Australian National University (ANU) shows.

The report published today by the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at ANU shows fewer women than men running in the election. They’re also more likely to be running in ‘glass cliff’ seats that are hard to win and precarious to hold.

While women make up more than half (56 per cent) of the candidates being put forward by the Australian Labor Party (ALP), less than a third (32 per cent) of the Coalition’s candidates are women.

According to report co-author, Dr Elise Stephenson, there has been a notable increase in women’s representation for Labor this election compared to the last one, when 46 per cent of its candidates were women. 

Read here the full article published by ANU Reporter on the 9 of April 2025.

Image by Australian National University Reporter

 

Virginia will likely elect its first woman governor this year.

Why it matters: The Commonwealth's gubernatorial race, which has long been eyed as an early political test after a presidential election, is set to be one of the most historic elections in state history.

Driving the news: Over the weekend, the state GOP announced that Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears will be the party's nominee for governor in November.

No one filed to oppose former Rep. Abigail Spanberger for the Democratic ticket, which means the Republican and Democratic nominees for governor are both women for the first time in Virginia history.

The big picture: Just 51 women have served as governor in the nearly 250-year history of the United States, Axios Denver's Esteban L. Hernandez reports.

Read More here. 

 

Despite progress towards gender equality in Australian elections, women remain underrepresented among candidates vying for office on May 3. They are also overrepresented in “glass cliff” seats, which are the ones that are difficult to win and precarious to hold.

The Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at the Australian National University has analysed 591 candidates in the election by gender, political party, and the seats they are contesting.

Our report published today finds that while the major parties are increasing the number of women they pre-select, they are more likely to be running in harder-to-win seats.

Read More here.

 

When women enter the voting booth, what matters more—policy or identity? The debate over whether female voters prioritize gender representation or political substance has fueled political discourse for years. Some argue that women rally behind female candidates for symbolic progress, while others insist that ideology and policy take precedence. But do women truly vote based on identity, or is there more at play?

The Pew Research Center has documented this trend. Women have historically leaned more Democratic than men. Issues such as healthcare, education, and gender equality rank high among their electoral priorities. However, while female candidates may benefit from a gender advantage in certain contexts, this trend is more pronounced in Democratic primaries than in general elections.

Read the full article here.  

 

From parliamentary sexism to online harassment, women face multi-faceted barriers to political participation across all levels of government.

What you need to know:

  • Despite claims that gender plays no role in political outcomes, local attitudes reveal persistent biases that affect how women candidates are perceived and evaluated.
  • From parliamentary sexism to online harassment, women face multi-faceted barriers to political participation across all levels of government.
  • Cultural attitudes and institutional practices continue to limit women's leadership opportunities, even as research shows women-led countries perform effectively in crisis management.

In the lush, fertile slopes of Mount Kenya sits Meru County, a place of striking natural beauty—and now, a symbolic battlefield in Kenya's ongoing struggle for gender equality in politics.

As Women's History Month unfolded in March—a celebration imported from the United States but resonant globally—an ironic drama played out in this region where women outnumber men by 10,277 (777,975 women compared to 767,698 men).

Kawira Mwangaza, who in 2022 made history as the first woman to govern Meru County, was unceremoniously removed from office following her third impeachment attempt. The High Court's March ruling upheld her removal, ending a tumultuous chapter that raises profound questions about gender and power in Kenyan politics.

Read here the full article published by The Nation on 4 April 2025.

Image by The Nation

 

Political parties act as gatekeepers, meaning that improvements in the representation of women depend on parties’ willingness to nominate women candidates. Previous research suggests that party characteristics and gender quotas largely explain women’s nominations, but overlooks the political context in which parties operate. This study highlights the gendered outcomes that occur when parties make nomination decisions in times of public discontent, namely increasing political distrust and increasing perceived corruption. We theorize that parties hold similar biases to voters: gender stereotypes that regard women as more trustworthy and honest should advantage women as political trust falls and perceptions of corruption rise. We hypothesize that parties nominate larger percentages of women in these circumstances. Using two waves of data from over 100 political parties in 18 Latin American countries, we find that parties nominate more women when a large proportion of the public distrusts the national legislature, providing support for the theory.

Click here to see the academic article.

Women ran for and were elected to office in record numbers in the 2018 election. They made historic gains across levels of office and reached new milestones for women’s political representation. But not all women achieved record levels of success in 2018. Republican women’s representation dropped across offices and within their party.

The progress for all women in election 2018 should also be put into important context. First, despite breaking records for candidacy and officeholding, women – who are just over half of the population – were still underrepresented among all candidates and remain less than one-third of elected officials.

Finally, measuring progress for women in electoral politics means looking beyond the numbers. When considering the gender and intersectional dynamics at play in U.S. campaigns, it is clear that there is much progress left to make in creating equitable conditions for success for women and men in American elections.

Click here to see the report.

The report on “The Empowerment of Women in Politics and the 6 th Legislature National Assembly Elections 2018” is an analysis of the data and views of Cambodian women’s participation in politics, especially the process of the 6th Legislature National Assembly (NA) Elections 2018.

This report looks in particular at the women’s political empowerment and elections; number of women candidates, measures for how to select women candidats, policies of political parties for promoting women’s political participation, political party platforms on women’s and children’s issues, challenges facing women both as voters and candidates including violence against women in politics. Also, it shows about women’s opinions on electoral progress, and activities related to promoting women’s participation in politics as well as the outcome of elected women representative from the single party CPP which dominated the election and the outcome. It also provides an overview of a rapid survey on “The reason of women voters who voted or have indelible ink on their finger and women voters who did not go to vote or have no indelible ink on their finger” conducted by Women Volunteer Citizens throughout the four provincial target area of COMFREL a day after the election and two case studies. The report closes with a set of recommendations to improve gender equality and women’s political empowerment in Cambodia.

Click here to see the report.

This policy paper aims to reconsider the concept of parity democracy in the current context of the EU and focusing on the elections to the EP in May 2019. As developed in the Athens Declaration, adopted at the European Summit of Women in Power in 1992, parity democracy stands on 5 basic arguments (equality, democracy, good use of human resources, needs and interests of women and quality of policy-making) which are recalled and updated with a view to provide stakeholders, including democrats standing for gender equality and feminist movements, with useful ammunitions to inform and convince EU citizens (women and men) to vote and to vote for women defending equality. This policy paper is, therefore, part of broader Gender Five Plus’ efforts to inform EU citizens and influence stakeholders for greater gender balance in the EU. The analysis in this policy paper is based on desk research, literature review and includes diverse forms of experience in EU policy-making. It is divided into four different parts and a list of recommendations. Part I tries to answer the question of why parity democracy is important to the EU; Part II focuses on why the EU and parity democracy are important to women; Part III analyses gender balance in the EU decision-making (focusing in the EP); Part IV examines the possible challenges and opportunities for fostering parity democracy in the current EU context and the conclusion provides space for a reflection on the EU that we want and need to build. Finally, derived from the analysis of the whole policy paper, a noncomprehensive list of recommendations is provided.

Click here to see the report.

IMF examines the impact of gender equality on electoral violence in Africa using micro-level data from the sixth round of Afrobarometer surveys. The sample covers 30 countries. IMF finds that gender equality is associated with lower electoral violence. Quantitatively, their estimates show that an increase in female-to-male labor force participation ratio by 1 percentage point is correlated with a reduction of the probability of electoral violence across the continent by around 4.2 percentage points. Their results are robust to alternative ways to measure electoral violence and gender equality, as well as to alternative specifications. The findings of this paper support the long-standing view that women empowerment contributes to the reduction of violence and underscore the urgency of addressing gender inequality in Africa.

Click here to see the report.

Understanding and explaining outbreaks of election-related violence is a complex task; predicting whether forthcoming elections will turn violent, which factors may underlie or trigger violence, and what can be done to prevent violence is even more difficult. One way to address the problem is to empower those who have immediate responsibility to prevent and mitigate election-related violence, such as electoral management bodies, security sector agencies and other state and non-state agencies.

The Electoral Risk Management Tool (ERM Tool) is designed to empower people to ensure peaceful and credible elections. The software aims to build the capacities of users to understand, analyse and mitigate electoral risks. Specifically, the ERM Tool can build users’ capacity to understand electoral risk factors; collect and analyse risk data; design prevention and mitigation strategies; and record the results of actions.

The software is accompanied by three Guides. This Prevention and Mitigation Guide aims to assist and inspire users to tailor strategies and actions for the prevention and mitigation of election-related violence. It is complemented by an Internal Factors Guide and an External Factors Guide which provide guidance to the users of the ERM Tool in identifying electoral risks in a given country and electoral context.

Click here to see the academic article.