Elections
Political parties were failing to reach a consensus on increasing women’s representation in parliament during discussions with the National Consensus Commission. At one stage, a proposal to nominate at least 5 per cent women candidates was tabled, to which most parties agreed.
Despite opposition from women’s rights activists, the July National Charter was finalised with the provision that 5 per cent of nominations would be allocated to women in the 13th Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament) election.
Although Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) agreed to the 5 per cent proposal during discussions with the consensus commission, the party has not adhered to this in this election. Jamaat-e-Islami has not nominated a single woman candidate in any constituency.
Women were at the forefront of the July 2024 uprising, but in the subsequently formed political structures, insecurity and social backlash gradually pushed them aside. Female students from universities across the country, including Dhaka University, were not only leading participants in the uprising, but they also became victims of attacks and lawsuits by law enforcement agencies. However, the number of female candidates in the post-uprising Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) election remained limited, and those who did contest faced extensive cyberbullying.
There were only 62 female candidates in the DUCSU election, accounting for merely 13 percent of the total candidates, even though 48 percent of DUCSU’s voters are female students.
Women’s participation in the Liberation War of 1971 was similarly undervalued in the post-war era. The title Birangana, rather than honouring their contributions, foregrounded the trauma and humiliation they had endured, while obscuring the critical roles they had played on the frontlines. This reflects a long-standing social failure to recognise women’s agency, a problem that persists to this day.
Despite decades of pledges to ensure women’s political empowerment, the upcoming national election paints a starkly different picture, with female representation on the ballot remaining alarmingly low.
More than 30 registered political parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami, have fielded no female candidates, leaving women to make up less than 4.5% of all aspirants in the 13th parliamentary election.
Of the 2,568 nomination papers submitted for the election, only 109 were filed by women—just 4.24 per cent of the total, according to data reviewed by UNB.
The election will see participation from 51 political parties, yet more than 30 of them, including Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, have failed to nominate even a single woman candidate, raising fresh concerns over gender inclusion in national politics.
After scrutiny, the Election Commission (EC) has validated 1,842 candidates, including 1,779 men and only 63 women, meaning women make up just 3.4 percent of the final candidates.
Later, 417 candidates regained their candidacies after appealing to the Election Commission. January 20 was the last day for the withdrawal of candidacies.
A 2025 Democracy International poll shows strong public demand in Bangladesh for greater political inclusion, with 96% supporting participation of persons with disabilities, 85% calling for better ethnic minority representation, and 81% backing stronger involvement of religious minorities.
The findings were unveiled at a roundtable titled "Priorities of All People in Politics and Government", jointly organised by Democracy International and The Business Standard at its Dhaka office, moderated by TBS associate editor Saleem Ahmed.
Catherine Cecil, Democracy International's Bangladesh chief of party, said inclusion is no longer optional but "a democratic necessity."
Human Rights Watch (HRW) has raised alarms over an increase in violence targeting women, children, and religious minorities in Bangladesh as the country prepares for the 13th National Parliamentary Elections scheduled for February 12.
In a report published on its website on January 14, the rights watchdog stated that these attacks highlight the interim government’s failure to uphold human rights following the 2024 "Monsoon Revolution."
Surge in Gender-Based Violence
Citing police data, the report noted that gender-based violence from January to June 2025 has surpassed figures from the same period in 2024. Dr. Fauzia Moslem, President of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, attributed the decline in safety to the rising influence of religious groups and their provocative rhetoric.
According to Dr. Moslem, these groups are actively working to restrict women's freedom of movement and social participation. The report highlighted that since May 2025—when hardline groups labeled government gender equality efforts as "un-Islamic"—women have increasingly faced verbal, physical, and digital harassment, leading to a "silencing effect."
This week, the Minister of Solidarity, Social Integration and Family, Naïma Ben Yahya, announced the launch of a national campaign to raise awareness about women’s political participation. The initiative aims to strengthen the fight against discrimination and stereotypes in politics and is being rolled out under the Moucharaka program, ahead of the 2026 and 2027 elections.
Answering oral questions in the House of Representatives, the minister said the campaign includes training programs for women members of political parties, carried out in coordination with women’s sections within those parties. It also involves academic research conducted in partnership with universities, with findings to be published in order to identify avenues for improvement.
Women around the world are playing increasingly visible roles in the political processes of their countries as voters, candidates, representatives, protesters, journalists and as civic educators in the home, the community and beyond. However, as emerging democracies struggle to consolidate, overcome violent pasts and address crippling poverty, they often falter and breed disillusionment. Religious and ethnic divisions may appear or intensify. In these complex contexts, electoral violence threatens – or beckons – women in new ways.
In Breaking the Mold: Understanding Gender and Electoral Violence, IFES introduces the concept of gendered electoral violence in transitional democracies and presents a new framework which accounts for all forms of public and private violence committed by and against women. Where current frameworks fail to fully take women into account by neglecting or stereotyping gender-specific forms of violence, IFES’ new framework draws on research in domestic violence and feminist security studies to expand our understanding of types of violence and victim and perpetrator roles. This framework can help ensure that practitioners meet short and long-term needs, such as the protection and education of women candidates and voters in the short term, and better documentation and therefore responses to gendered electoral violence in the long-term.
Click here to see the white paper.
By Ruth Igielnik and Kim Parker,
As moms across the United States celebrate Mother’s Day this weekend, five of the six women vying for the Democratic residential nomination are themselves mothers.
These women, all seeking the same high political office, became mothers at different points in their careers – some while they were starting out in politics and others long before that.
Roughly half of Americans (51%) say it’s better for a woman who wants to reach high political office to have children before entering politics, according to a 2018 Pew Research Center survey on gender and leadership. About a quarter (26%) say it would be better to wait until she is well-established in her political career, while 19% say it would be better for a woman not to have children at all if she plans to seek higher office.
Click here to read the full article published by the PEW Research Center on 9 May 2019.
May 3: A preliminary gender audit of the South African elections due to be held on 8 May shows that while there will be a slight increase in women’s representation, women are still missing from the top echelons of political parties and from the media.
“On World Press Freedom Day it is an indictment on South Africa that women still constitute just one fifth of those whose views and voices are heard,” said GL CEO Colleen Lowe Morna at the launch of Gender Links report.
At 55% women will constitute the majority of voters in the 2019 South African elections. Gender Links predicts using available data that the proportion of women in the House of Assembly will increase from 40% in 2014 to 44% in 2019.
But, without a legislated quota, and with vacillating commitment by political parties to gender parity, South Africa will again miss the 50% mark. Apart from Agang, the political party formed by anti-apartheid activist Mamphela Ramphele that is expected to garner less than 1% of the vote, none of the political parties contesting has achieved gender parity in its top five.
“Male leaders either oppose quotas; fail to implement them; or backslide into misogynistic slurs despite the lofty language in their political manifestos,” noted GL advisor Kubi Rama who authored the report.
A further measure of women’s lack of #Voiceandchoice in our society is the fact that women sources in news coverage persists at 22% or about one fifth of those whose views and voices are heard in the elections. Despite being one of the most pressing social justice issues of our time, gender equality represents less than one percent of media coverage, according to Media Monitoring Africa.
“The message as South African go to the polls next week are clear,” says Rama. “Political parties need to engage with the fact the women constitute 55% of the electorate and address their concerns in manifestos, party lists and in leadership. The media must do better. Women sources are available but barely accessed.”
Click here to see the report.
This Represent Women's report explores how rules and systems, particularly gender quotas and proportional representation systems, have helped nations around the world sustain progress toward gender parity in elected office. Understanding the impact of systems on representation in government is essential to designing strategies that address institutional barriers. The conclusion includes a proposal with tangible, data-driven solutions based on lessons learned from other nations that can move the United States toward reaching gender parity in government - in our lifetime.
Click here to see the report.
Some women candidates may be hesitant to run again because they know that the barriers for women running for office are higher than they are for men - why should the standard after a loss be any different? This research shows that voters think women who have lost their elections are still qualified and likeable (two must-haves for women candidates), and that losing an election can be a good moment for a powerful launch of a woman candidate’s next campaign. It also points to concrete steps for women candidates to help set them up for a future run.
Click here to see the report.
Election violence is an important issue from a number of perspectives. Understanding the causes and consequences of violations of personal integrity is always relevant, but election violence adds a different dimension to this already serious issue: it also violates electoral integrity and decreases democratic quality (Norris 2013). Therefore, election violence should be studied as a simultaneous violation of personal and electoral integrity. In this contribution, I define election violence as occurring when (1) the goal of the act is to affect an electoral outcome or prevent someone from running in an election, and (2) the means by which it is carried out violates the personal integrity of individuals involved in the electoral process.
Click here to see the academic article.