Elections
A total of 2,568 candidates have submitted nomination papers to contest the upcoming 13th Jatiya Sangsad elections. Of them, only 109 are women accounting for slightly over 4 per cent. Women’s rights activists have demanded that political parties give explanation before the public and be held accountable for nominating so few female candidates.
The demand was raised yesterday, Monday at a press conference organised by the Forum for Women’s Political Rights. The speakers also called for accountability from both the Election Commission and the political parties.
A written statement titled ‘The crisis of women’s nominations: The gap between political parties’ commitments and implementation, and the accountability of the Election Commission’ was read out at the press conference, held at the Sagar-Runi Auditorium of the Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU) in Segunbagicha of Dhaka.
Speakers at a press conference on Monday said women’s participation in the upcoming election is extremely disappointing, despite some independent female candidates joining the race at the last moment.
Forum leaders made the remarks at a press conference titled “Nomination Crisis of Women Candidates: Gap between Parties’ Commitments and Implementation and the Accountability of the Election Commission”, held at the Sagar-Runi Auditorium of the Dhaka Reporters’ Unity.
Representatives from Gonoshasthaya Abhijan, Durbaar Network Foundation, Nagorik Coalition, Nari Udyog Kendra (NUK), Narigrantha Probortona, Nari Sanghati, Nari Pokkho, Narir Dake Rajniti, Feminist Alliance of Bangladesh (FAB), Bangladesh Nari Mukti Kendra, and Voice for Reform were present at the event.
They alleged that although the Election Commission frequently talks about a “gender-inclusive election,” there is little reflection of that commitment in reality.
The upcoming national election in Bangladesh is significant for a number of reasons, one of the more significant of which is the issue of higher female representation and inclusiveness in Bangladeshi politics.
As the signatories to the July Charter have pledged to uphold clauses related to female empowerment from this election, the nomination lists of political parties have become the first real measure of whether the Charter represents a political turning point or merely a reformist document with limited practical consequence.
Regrettably, most parties have already fallen short.
The July Charter set a clear benchmark: political parties would begin with at least 5% women candidates in parliamentary nominations and gradually increase this figure by five percentage points in each election cycle until reaching 33% direct representation. All major parties signed it.
The transition process in Haiti, underway since July 2021, is progressing toward the elections scheduled for 2026 under a new electoral calendar (https://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-46492-haiti-flash-the-cep-has-just-published-the-revised-electoral-calendar-in-the-moniteur.html).
Despite some progress, Women's participation in governance in Haiti remains limited. Female representation in key bodies, such as the Presidential Transitional Council (CPT) and the Government, remains below the minimum constitutional quota of 30%. Women hold 22.22% of government positions and 11.11% within the CPT, where they do not have voting rights (observer status). They represent 27% of electoral staff at the departmental (BED) and municipal (BEC) levels. This underrepresentation highlights the persistent challenges to achieving gender equality in leadership roles.
As Bangladesh moves towards its 13th national parliamentary election, the issue of women's political representation has once again come into sharp focus. Despite repeating promises by political parties to increase women's participation in direct electoral contests, the nomination lists released ahead of the election reveal that women continue to be vastly underrepresented among candidates for general seats. This pattern raises fundamental questions about the role political parties play in shaping democratic inclusion and whether the symbolic rhetoric surrounding gender equality is being matched by substantive action. The composition of nomination lists from major political parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jatiya Party, National Citizen Party (NCP) and others provides an illuminating snapshot of the current state of women's electoral inclusion and the deeper challenges that persist.
The most striking feature of the data on nominations for the 13th national election is the persistently low number of women candidates. According to official figures from the Election Commission, women make up a tiny fraction of those contesting general seats: only 65 women out of 1,842 validly nominated candidates, amounting to just 3.53 per cent of the total list. This percentage is far below even modest thresholds proposed in some political discussions, which suggested that parties should nominate at least 5 per cent women candidates across constituencies. In many ways, the lack of women nominees underscores the structural barriers that women face within party nomination processes in Bangladesh.
Despite women being at the forefront of the August 2024 uprising that toppled the Awami League government, political parties have largely failed to honour their pledge to nominate at least 5 percent women candidates in the parliamentary election.
Muhammad Yunus-led interim government had introduced reforms aimed at restoring democracy, including a commitment under the July National Charter that parties would nominate women in no fewer than 5 percent of the 300 directly elected seats.
Election Commission data show that while more than a hundred women submitted nomination papers, only around 65 survived scrutiny.
The final number of women contesting will be confirmed on Jan 20 after appeals.
Among the parties that signed the July Charter, the BNP nominated the highest number of women in absolute terms but still fell short of the five percent benchmark.
The ” Women legislators and economic performance” working paper by researchers at the universities of Essex, Michigan, Siegen, and Youngstown has found that Indian constituencies that elected women recorded “significantly higher growth” in economic activity over those that elected men.
The paper written by Thushyanthan Baskaran, Sonia Bhalotra, Brian Min, and Yogesh Uppal looks at 4,265 state assembly constituencies across India between 1992 and 2012, focusing on those where the woman candidate’s margin of victory was very small. This let the researchers look at cases where the legislator’s gender was effectively randomly assigned and not influenced by factors like a generally progressive constituency.
Click here to download the research.
NDI collaborated with the Federation of Women Lawyers - Kenya (FIDA-K) to review the performance of women in the 2017 general elections in A Gender Analysis of the 2017 Kenya General Elections. Through an examination of the legal and social environment within which the elections took place, and in comparison to the 2013 elections, the report provides data and analysis on women as candidates during the 2017 elections, and draws conclusions on the barriers to their success. These conclusions form the basis of recommendations for increasing meaningful women’s representation in Kenya’s elective bodies in the future.
Click here to read the report published by NDI on 28 February 2018.
Pakistani women face unique and frequently more severe challenges to their political participation than men do. In particular, the violence faced by Pakistani female political candidates, and voters is a serious barrier to their full participation in civic life. These challenges are especially difficult to address because they often go unrecorded and unreported. Security actors and public bodies such as Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) may struggle to respond to protect and promote women’s public participation because of the absence of documentation and understanding of the nature and magnitude of the problem, as well as lack of specific programming responses that may be appropriate to the context.
The present study seeks to fill this knowledge gap by documenting the distinct challenges to women’s political participation in Pakistan, specifically examining the issue of violence against women in politics (VAWP) during electoral processes. The aim of the study is to produce an evidence base and identify the types of VAWP in Pakistan to encourage appropriate policy measures through legislative reforms by Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), and other key stakeholders. Specifically, the aim of this baseline study is to identify the forms of VAWP and to document its prevalence and magnitude in the country.
Based on this analysis, the study offers a number of policy options to address the issue of VAWP as well as providing recommendations to develop effective measures for eliminating VAWP in consultation with Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), media, political parties, women candidates and voters, the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) and ECP. The study concludes with recommendations for the development of mechanisms to monitor incidents of VAWP ahead of elections.
Click here to read the report.
Abstract
Proportional electoral systems tend to be more beneficial for women's descriptive representation than majority systems. However, within proportional systems the gender equality of election outcomes differs, highlighting the importance of studying the actual use of electoral provisions in proportional representation (PR) systems. Therefore, we investigate the determinants of voting for female candidates in Belgium's local elections. This case is particularly interesting given the equal number of men and women on the candidate lists due to quota regulations, the possibility to cast multiple preference votes (lowering competition), and the high visibility of these local elections and its candidates. At the individual level, we find that women are more likely than men to vote for several women, yet same-sex voting is more common among men. Politically sophisticated respondents vote more often for candidates of both sexes. Against our expectations, a left-wing orientation does not increase the likelihood of voting for women. At the electoral district level, a larger supply of women at the top list position increases the chance to vote for this top woman, but there is no spillover effect to women lower on the list. District magnitude affects the number of preference votes but, against expectations, not the likelihood of voting for women.
Click here to access the paper.
The National Conference on “Gender and Electoral Reform: Making A Difference” in Malaysia was envisioned to look at current debates and obstacles as well as innovative strategies and alternative models in women’s representation in the Malaysian electoral process. This Conference introduced a panel of scholars and specialists to share their experiences and expertise, leading the discourse into the Malaysian context in hope of facilitating electoral reform together for a higher representation of women in politics.
This report covers the conference background and then explores the following areas: current debates, alternative models, the Malaysian context, experiences of politicians, barriers and strategies, and finally the conference recommendations.
Click here to access the report.
The research presented in this paper provides useful insights into how increasing women’s descriptive representation within a legislature affects citizens’ interest and engagement in the political process, or their symbolic representation. Uruguay’s first quota law was implemented in the 2014 elections, resulting in significant increases in the number of women serving in both houses of Uruguay’s Parliament. Surveying citizens before and after the elections, the research team found strong evidence that increases in women’s descriptive representation had a positive effect on citizens’ symbolic representation, and that this effect was stronger for women than for men. Before election day, women were significantly less likely than men to say they were interested in politics, less likely to state that they understood political issues in Uruguay, and less likely to report having trust in elections; after election day, these differences disappeared and women were as likely as men to be interested in politics, understand current political issues, and trust the electoral process.
This publication was produced by USAID in partnership with Arizona State University and the Institute of International Education as part of the Research and Innovation Grants Working Papers Series.
Click here to read to read the study.