Elections
In the 9th Assembly, a constitutional amendment bill to create special or reserve seats for women in parliament failed to see the light of day as both the Senate and the House of Representatives failed to vote positively for the bill. This attracted protests from women’s groups at the gate of the National Assembly for about a week. The bill, which was reintroduced in the 10th Assembly, has continued to generate serious attention from members of the House of Representatives, with the Speaker, Abbas Tajudeen, being the chief driver. Unfortunately, it has not gained the same momentum in the Senate. This has raised a series of questions about whether or not the bill will sail through when the lawmakers vote on the bill. TONY AKOWE reports
For several years, Nigerian women have clamoured for what they called equal representation in the political affairs of the country. Beginning from the 35 percent affirmative action canvassed at the Beijing conference, the agitation has grown by the day. With less than 20 women out of about 469 lawmakers in Nigeria’s National Assembly, the under-representation of women has continued to grow. Incidentally, this number has been on a downward trend since 1999. With only 3 women in the Senate and 13 women in the House of Representatives in 1999, the figure rose to 4 Senators and 21 Representatives in 2003 and 9 female Senators in 2007, with 27 House members becoming the highest ever women representation in the National Assembly. The figure dropped to 7 Senators and 26 House members in 2011. While the number of Senators increased to 8 each in 2015 and 2019, the number of House members continued to drop, dropping to 22 in 2015 and 13 in 2019.
Polls and pundits have offered up plenty of predictions, but in a democracy, voting rules. The elections this fall will provide hard data on President Donald Trump and the GOP’s prospects for retaining a majority in the U.S. House, as the country and the world take stock of the national mood leading into next year’s midterms. On the ballot are state
offices in Virginia and New Jersey, U.S. congressional seats, control of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and more.
In all contests, women’s votes will be key—and not just because women vote more than men.
Celinda Lake, a leading pollster and president of Lake Research Partners, has studied public opinion for decades. She told Ms. that women “are our own voters, we make up our own minds. … Women really want government to be a help for their families. They believe that they could depend on a social safety net program.”
This is one reason why there’s been a marked gender gap in U.S. elections since at least 1980, with women more often favoring Democratic candidates than men—often decisively.
Statewide races offer the best barometers of public sentiment toward the current administration, and we’ll be closely watching the gubernatorial races in New Jersey and Virginia.
For much of her political life, Simone Gbagbo has been known as the combative partner of Côte d’Ivoire’s former president, Laurent Gbagbo. Her sharp rhetoric earned her the nickname “The Iron Lady.” Now, the onetime first lady is charting her own course.
Côte d’Ivoire’s Constitutional Council cleared Gbagbo to run in October’s presidential election, making her one of two women on the ballot in a race long dominated by men. Her candidacy carries weight beyond her party base in a country where just 13.4 percent of lawmakers are women. Her entry into the field is described as both politically consequential and symbolically resonant.
Full article here.
Since April 2024, UNIEAT has delivered 38 BRIDGE training workshops nationwide, in all ten States and the Greater Pibor Administrative Area, to 1,003 participants (637 men and 366 women) representing the National Elections Commission (NEC), State High Election Committees (SHECs), State-level government authorities, women organizations, youth groups, disability persons organizations and media. The workshops, supported by the United Nations Integrated Electoral Assistance Team (UN IEAT), covered topics including Introduction to Electoral Administration, Building Institutional Excellence in Elections, Civic and Voter Education, Operational Planning, Gender Equality, Violence Against Women in Elections, Access to Electoral Processes, Boundary Delimitation and Voter Registration.
BRIDGE (Building Resources in Democracy, Governance and Elections) is an internationally renowned election training curriculum which draws on comparative examples from different countries on all aspects of electoral administration using 17 training modules.
The program stands out for its participatory methods, focusing on inclusion and engagement. Sessions are designed to be practical and interactive, with group work, role plays and energizers to keep everyone involved. The program successfully developed a cadre of 19 South Sudanese facilitators by a group of accrediting workshop facilitators. Of those, 6 facilitators were awarded BRIDGE certification after completing a minimum of 30 hours of module workshop facilitation, placing them as the first cohort of BRIDGE accredited trainers in the country.
Introduction
In several countries, including in Venezuela, El Salvador, Thailand, and Tunisia, electoral contests were indeed manipulated by incumbents to further entrench their power. But the global picture was not uniformly negative. Whether in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Senegal, or Guatemala, citizens mobilized from below to push back against executive overreach and bad governance. Although far-right leaders and parties made gains in several Western democracies, including in Austria, France, Germany, Portugal, and the United States, this same pattern was not evident in many other parts of the world, where politics were shaped by other issues and cleavages.
Despite these varied political outcomes, the past year’s record number of elections brought no uptick in women’s political representation. Globally, women’s parliamentary representation and the number of countries led by women failed to increase.
The barriers to reaching gender parity in politics are mounting, from continuing democratic erosion and rising ethno-nationalism to a widening pushback against progressive gender norms in different parts of the world. Yet looking beyond global and regional averages also reveals surprising bright spots. In countries as diverse as Mongolia, Sri Lanka, and the United Kingdom, more women are serving in political office than ever before. Several countries elected their first-ever female presidents, including Mexico and Namibia.
This report analyzes advances and setbacks in women’s political representation in 2024, building on the mid-year assessment published by the Colmena Fund for Women’s Political Power in October. It begins by examining global trend lines in women’s parliamentary and executive representation, highlighting both progress and backsliding. It then turns to four countries that held significant elections over the past year and interrogates their impact on women’s political power: the Dominican Republic, India, South Africa, and Sri Lanka. To close, the analysis draws attention to several broader themes that emerged from the electoral contests of the past year.
Women have been urged not to take back seats but participate actively in shaping politics in 2027. Women empowerment advocate and entrepreneur, Mrs. Omolara Kafilat Svenson Busari; Oyo State All Progressives Congress (APC) Women Leader, Alhaja Tinuade Adigun; the APC Women Leader in Egbeda local council of the state, Aderonke Adedeji, made the call during the third edition of the Women in Politics Sensitisation programme in Ibadan, Oyo State capital.
The initiative, themed, “Understanding Our Role in Active Politics”, was spearheaded by Mrs. Busari. The programme was a rallying call to empower women, dismantle long-standing barriers, cultivate leadership, and foster inclusive governance.
In her keynote address, Busari decried the continued under-representation of women in Nigeria’s political landscape, particularly in Oyo State. She emphasised that the marginalisation of women in decision-making roles is a critical factor stalling national development.
In this In brief, the authors consider lessons learned in the aftermath of women candidates’ defeat in the 18 November 2021 general election. They identify five intractable barriers to women’s election in Tonga: voters’ expectations of reciprocity in exchange for electoral support; deeply entrenched perceptions of men’s legitimacy as political leaders; untimely support for women candidates; an inhospitable political environment for electoral gender quotas; and a lack of accountability on gender equality commitments.
Click here to read the full article.
Electoral management bodies (EMBs) are responsible for ensuring a level playing field for political representation and meaningful participation across the entire electoral cycle. Yet, International IDEA data shows that only 22% of EMBs themselves are chaired by women.
When disaggregated by regions (Figure 1.), data from 242 EMBs in 208 countries and territories shows that the percentages indicating the number of women chairing EMBs are below the global average on three continents, with Asia recording the lowest numbers (10%), followed by Oceania (11%) and Africa (19%).
Click here to read the full article published by International IDEA on 7 November 2021.
Although the landscape for female candidates in U.S. politics has improved, research continues to find that many voters possess sexist attitudes. We rely on a standard political communication framework to help reconcile sexism in the electorate with increasingly favorable outcomes for women in primary elections. Based on two national survey experiments, we first demonstrate that in the absence of gendered campaign rhetoric, sexism is a weak predictor of support for female candidates on both sides of the political aisle. We then show, however, that when a male candidate attempts to activate sexism among voters by attacking a female opponent, gender attitudes become more salient—but not to the woman’s disadvantage. In a Democratic primary, gendered attacks backfire and lead to a significant boost in support for the female candidate. On the Republican side, a male candidate does not face the same backlash, but the attacks do very little to depress his female opponent’s support. While the persistence of hostile attitudes toward women has slowed the march toward gender equality in society, our experimental results suggest that sexism exerts only contingent effects in primary elections and not systematically to female candidates’ detriment.
Click here to download the paper published by Sage Journals on 23 September 2021.
By Roudabeh Kishi
Attacks on women in politics are on the rise around the world. New data and research from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) reveal how physical violence targeting women in politics is creating dangerous – and at times lethal – obstacles to women’s participation in political processes. Even as women are engaging in elections in record numbers around the world – both by seeking office and by voting – they are being met with an increasingly violent backlash.
Over the course of 2020 and 2021, Mexico, Colombia, China, India, Brazil, Burundi, Myanmar, Afghanistan, the Philippines, and Cuba top the list of the most violent countries in the world for women in politics. With rapidly evolving political situations as well as upcoming elections in many of these countries, the threat of violence targeting women in politics may only grow in the new year. Examining key trends from the latest political violence data for these countries will provide a glimpse of what to watch for in 2022 when it comes to the risks facing women in politics.
Click here to read the full article published by GIWPS on 28 January 2022.
According to Palestinian Central Elections Commission data, the first phase of the 2021 local council elections showed the extent of women candidates in competing lists. Results indicated that the percentage of women who won through voting in lists was 20.5% and the overall percentage in all local councils (voting and acclamation) was 21.8%, which reflects a slight increase in the percentage of the women’s quota. This points to the importance of the quota, which maintained the presence of women in local councils, especially since there are many councils in Bethlehem for example, which refused to present a list on the premise of their rejection of women’s participation.
As for youth participation, according to CEC data, the percentage of youth between the ages of 25-35 was 21.7%; between 36-45 the percentage was 27.4%, between 46-55 it was 28.6% and those above 55 was 22.3%. It should be noted that the age of youth, according to the UN, is between 18-29 while the candidacy age in Palestine is still at 25 for local councils. The closest percentage to this was 21.7% up to 35 years of age, which drops to 19.4% in councils where elections were held, followed by 24.5% for the 36-45 age bracket.
Click here to read the full report published by Miftah on 5 January 2022.
Abstract
Although female political representation in the Arab world has nearly doubled in the last decade, little is known about how voters in the region view female politicians and their political platforms, particularly in a new democracy like Tunisia. We conduct original conjoint and vignette survey experiments to examine the effects of candidate gender and gender- and leadership-congruent political platforms on voter support. Building on role congruity theory, we find evidence of bias against female candidates among voters, particularly among respondents who hold patriarchal gender norms. Additionally, we find that all respondents are more likely to prefer candidates who emphasize security issues rather than women’s rights. Overall, our study suggests that female candidates who emphasize issues congruent with stereotypes of political leadership, such as security, can increase voter support, though respondents also reward male candidates who appeal to leadership congruent issues.
Click here to access the paper published by Springer.