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Parliaments & Representatives

ROME – Italy’s Senate has unanimously passed a bill making femicide a standalone crime punishable by life imprisonment, marking a major shift in the country’s legal response to gender-based violence.

The measure, which still requires final approval in the lower house, is the most popular initiative of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government to date, according to recent polling.

Approved with 161 votes in favour, none against and no abstentions, the bill, initially criticised for vague language, defines femicide as an “act of discrimination or hatred toward the victim as a woman, or as a consequence of her refusal to enter or remain in a relationship, or to accept subjugation or restrictions on her individual freedoms due to her condition as a woman.”

The vote was followed by a rare 15-second standing ovation across party lines in what was an unusual show of unity. In 2024, 113 women were victims to femicide, of which 61 of them were killed by a partner or former partner.

Far-right Lega Senator and chair of parliament’s justice committee Giulia Bongiorno called it a “crucial intervention” that finally recognises the severity of gender-based killings.

Democratic Party Senator Anna Rossomando welcomed the bill but stressed the need for broader action. “The law alone won’t stop the violence. We need mandatory education on relationships and sexuality starting in primary school, and targeted training for educators,” she said.

Read more.

 

On Thursday, 10th July 2025, the House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution, in collaboration with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) and with support from the European Union in Nigeria, hosted a Legislative Dinner on advancing women’s political representation in Nigeria with women legislators from the State Houses of Assembly, representatives from the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and women groups.

The evening brought together lawmakers, government officials, civil society partners, and members of the diplomatic community to discuss the Special Seats Bill, a constitution alteration bill aimed at improving women’s representation in Nigeria’s legislature.

In his opening remarks, Clement Nwankwo, Executive Director of PLAC, described the proposed legislation as potentially the most important since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, highlighting its transformative potential for more inclusive governance. He also commended the efforts of the Deputy Speaker in driving the process of its passage forward.

Also speaking at the event, Ambassador Gautier Mignot, Head of the European Union Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, emphasized that the Special Seats Bill is not a favour to women but a critical step toward better governance for all Nigerians. He stated that the bill would mark a historic milestone for the country, underscoring the EU’s strong support for measures that promote equity and strengthen democratic institutions.

Full article published here.

 

The World Economic Forum (WEF) has released its Global Gender Gap Report 2025, and seven African countries are among the ten lowest-ranked nations worldwide in terms of gender parity.

In this latest edition, Pakistan sits at the very bottom — 148th out of 148 economies covered, with a gender parity score of 56.7 percent. Just above it are Sudan (57.0 percent, 147th), Chad (57.1 percent, 146th), and Iran (58.3 percent, 145th). Other African countries in the bottom 10 include Guinea (59.5 percent, 144th), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (60.1 percent, 143rd), Niger (61.3 percent, 142nd), Algeria (61.4 percent, 141st), and Mali (61.7 percent, 140th).

The Global Gender Gap Index

The Global Gender Gap Index annually benchmarks the current state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. These four indicators offer a data-driven lens on the structural inequalities women face globally.

In terms of gender gap rankings, Sub-Saharan Africa ranks sixth globally (of eight surveyed regions), with a gender parity score of 68.0 percent. Namibia leads the continent, achieving 81.1 percent gender parity and placing eighth globally. On the other hand, Sudan remains one of the worst performers, with a score of 57.0 percent and one of the world’s lowest levels of female political representation and labor force participation.

Full article published here.

 

The Maldives, a nation known for its natural beauty and growing economy, has taken meaningful steps toward gender equality. However, wage disparities persist. Women in the Maldives earn approximately 20% less than men, highlighting a gender wage gap that reflects systemic inequality. While policies have improved legal protections, barriers to equal pay and economic opportunity remain widespread. Here is information about the gender wage gap in the Maldives.

Legal Frameworks in Place

The Maldives has implemented legal reforms to support gender equality. The Gender Equality Act (2016) prohibits gender-based discrimination and mandates equal pay for equal work. The Constitution of 2008 affirms equal rights for all citizens, regardless of gender. Additionally, the government introduced a 33% quota for women in local councils to promote female political participation.

Despite these advancements, enforcement remains uneven. Women continue to face limited access to high-level positions in both the public and private sectors. As of 2024, women hold just 5% of seats in the national parliament, highlighting gaps in political representation.

Occupational Segregation and Labor Disparities

According to UNDP, women comprise 45.6% of the labor force, while men account for 77.1%. The employment gap is most evident in high-paying sectors such as construction and tourism, where male workers dominate.

The Ministry of Tourism’s 2022 Employment Survey found that women make up only 11% of resort workers, with Maldivian women representing just 8%. This underrepresentation is compounded by “occupational segregation,” in which women are concentrated in lower-wage, lower-skill jobs, limiting earning potential and career advancement.

Full article available here.

 

Sir: Since 1999, barely 43 women senators and 119 House members have held elective seats in Nigeria’s National Assembly. Sometimes triumphant but often solitary, their journeys tell stories of structural exclusion, and individual determination. Over 25 years of democracy in Nigeria, women have held 162 out of 3,283 legislative seats. That means women have occupied fewer than 1 in 20 (or 4.9%) seats in Nigeria’s highest law-making body.

This is not symbolic absence, but entrenched structural gap and systemic marginalisation of women in Nigeria’s political landscape.

With women holding less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly, the country ranks among the lowest globally for female political representation. The proposed Reserved Seats Bill, if passed, aims to change that trajectory, even if modestly.

The Bill offers access to formal political power, reserving 111 extra seats for women in the National Assembly, granting women a legally mandated political presence—a foot in the door. This signals constitutional recognition that gender exclusion is real. Although it could inspire a new generation of female political aspirants, critics regard it as a temporary structural fix because it’s not permanent—it designed to expire after 16 years.

Full article available here.

 

 

Morocco’s significant progress in ensuring women’s full and equal participation and representation in political and decision-making spheres was showcased by the Interministerial Delegation for Human Rights (DIDH) during an event held Thursday in Geneva, on the sidelines of the 59th session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC).

Speaking at the second preparatory political dialogue of Glion XI, Fatima Barkan, Secretary-General of the DIDH, highlighted the impact of constitutional and legislative reforms that have substantially increased women’s representation in elected assemblies and positions of responsibility in public administration.

Following the parliamentary, regional, and municipal elections of September 8, 2021, the proportion of women elected to prefectural and provincial councils rose to 35.6%, compared to only 4.5% in 2015. Similarly, the House of Representatives increased its female representation from 81 members (20.5%) in 2016 to 96 (24.3%) in 2021, she said.

Full article available here.

 

This collection of essays addresses the glaring gap between policy commitments and actual investments in gender equality, ranging across sectors and focusing on development aid, peace-building and climate funds. Casting a spotlight on the application of gender-responsive budgeting in public budgetary policies, systems and processes, the contributions to this volume explore the chequered trajectories of these efforts in Africa, the Asia-Pacific, Latin America and Andalucía. Critiquing systems of finance, from adherence to neo-liberal macroeconomic fundamentals which prioritise fiscal austerity, the book makes a compelling case for reframing and re-prioritizing budgets to comply with human rights standards, with a particular view to realizing women’s rights. The authors highlight the paltry funding for women’s rights organizations and movements and examine the prospects for making financing gender responsive. The specific policy, strategy and technical recommendations and the connections across silos which articulate the authors’ suggested operational levers will appeal to researchers, practitioners, students, policymakers, gender equality and human rights activists alike.

Click here to access the book. 

A unique visual tool to capture women’s participation in executive government and in parliament on a given date – 1st January 2017. The map of Women in Politics not only provides a country ranking for both ministerial and parliamentary representation, but also statistics on women in political leadership positions – Heads of State or government, women Speakers of Parliament, as well as ministerial portfolios held by women throughout the world. Borders are depicted and used on the map in order to present data. They are not the expression of any opinion concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or concerning the delimitation of frontiers or boundaries.

Click here to download the map in English. 

The annual brochure provides an overview and analysis of progress made and setbacks encountered by women in parliament further to elections and renewals held over a year. Produced every year on the occasion of International Women's Day (8 March), it presents data on women in national parliaments, regional and world trends, information on women presiding officers and women candidates. It also analyses mechanisms aimed at supporting women's access to parliament. The brochure is short and easy to read, providing a snapshot on the situation of women in parliaments worldwide.

Click here to access the brochure. 

Gender quotas have emerged globally as a key solution for improving women's political representation. Yet in Britain—where they take the form of all-women shortlists (AWS)—they remain contentious, both within and outside political parties.

In this article, Mary K. Nugent and Mona Lena Krook identify and evaluate nine common criticisms of AWS in the British context, which—similar to predictions made in other cases—focus on dynamics of candidate recruitment and selection, party and voter support and the effectiveness of ‘quota women’ as politicians. The authors do not address purely principled objections (i.e., ‘quotas are unfair’), but rather focus on claims—including some principled arguments—referencing assumed realities that can be assessed using empirical data (i.e., ‘quotas are unfair because they undermine merit’). The nine claims emerged as common themes across extensive interviews and comprehensive searches of news coverage around AWS. The data used to evaluate these claims come from various sources, including qualitative interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with men and women from the three main parties; as yet unpublished data on candidate selection collected by the Labour Party; original quantitative datasets constructed from publicly-available sources; and existing quantitative studies by other scholars. The authors also include evidence from international studies, whenever possible, to situate these findings in relation to the conclusions reached in other contexts.

The authors find, in short, that criticisms against these measures do not hold when subjected to rigorous empirical analysis. AWS, much like gender quotas elsewhere, do not facilitate the entry of unqualified women, jeopardise a party's electoral fortunes or lead to the election of sub-par MPs. Rather, they reduce barriers for well-prepared women to stand as candidates, have neutral or positive effects on party vote shares and produce diligent and active MPs. 

Click here to access the article. 

This Issues Brief aims to clearly delineate the issues at stake by analysing the results of a first study specifically devoted to the subject of sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliament. It seeks to clarify what this phenomenon consists of, where, why and in what forms it occurs, who are the perpetrators and what is its prevalence.

Click here to access the brief.

Gender equality is fundamental to responsive and accountable democratic societies. Women’s representation in elected institutions in equal proportion to men is key to the credibility and legitimacy of parliaments, national assemblies and local governments. Yet, globally, just over a fifth of members of parliament are women.

To combat discriminatory legislation and policies and improve gender equality outcomes in policymaking, elected representatives in countries in the region have established structures and strategic plans to improve women’s political participation and gender equality. UNDP has facilitated the creation of such structures in many countries, recognizing the important role they play in empowering women as parliamentary representatives, supporting the emergence of gender-sensitive parliaments, and adopting gender-sensitive policy and legislative frameworks. The UNDP Gender Equality Strategy 2014-2017 highlights the critical importance of gender equality and women’s participation in decision-making to sustainable development, and calls for the empowerment of women as voters, political actors and decision-makers.

This paper examines UNDP’s parliamentary assistance programming and support to existing gender equality initiatives in political participation, in particular, the role and impact of parliamentary structures for gender equality in the ECIS region. It illuminates existing and planned UNDP parliamentary assistance initiatives, highlights good practice and identifies entry points for replication or scaling up. Its findings are intended to assist members of parliament and parliamentary institutions as well as civil society organizations and international organizations in advancing gender equality in parliamentary practices. Click here for more information.