Political Parties
Nigerian women across different social statuses have been urged to become more politically conscious and actively involved in partisan politics as the next general elections in the country draw closer.
They were encouraged to take action during a one-day summit held in Lagos on Tuesday, organised by the Women Environment and Youth Development Initiative (WOYODEV), a non-governmental organisation focused on women and youth matters.
The forum, themed “From Margins to Mainstream: Empowering Women for Political Participation in Nigeria,” brought together scores of women and young girls from diverse backgrounds and political parties, including those living with disabilities.
Speaking at the event, the convener and executive director of WOYODEV, Mrs Tosin Apiriola-Ajayi, emphasised the importance of the summit, outlining three major objectives.
According to her, the summit aims to promote strong and sustainable feminist movements and coalitions to foster the active participation of women in politics, challenge social norms—including gender discrimination—that often relegate women to the background in political power sharing and decision-making, and empower women to take leadership roles.
Full article published by MSN on 15 May 2025.
Image credits: Tribune Online
The result of the federal election was shocking but it wasn’t surprising.
It was a resounding message from voters – and we would be foolish not to listen.
The truth is, the Liberal party didn’t lose because of campaign tactics or some leadership missteps alone. We lost because our policies failed to resonate. And they failed to resonate because, too often, they were built without the input of the very Australians we needed to win over – women, young people, multicultural communities and urban voters.
Too many of our policies seemed disconnected from the daily realities of modern Australia. The cost of living, housing, secure jobs, climate and education are dominating the concerns of millions – yet when asked how we’d address them we gave voters little reason to believe we understood the scale of the problem, let alone have credible answers.
The Liberal party’s massive defeat leaves it in dire straits. Where to from here?
To chart a credible path forward, we must return to first principles. The Liberal party was once defined by its broad reach – a party of the “forgotten people”, where aspiration met compassion and economic freedom was balanced by social responsibility. That legacy, championed by the party founder Robert Menzies, meant putting the concerns of ordinary Australians at the centre of political life.
Full article here published by The Guardian.
Image source: The Guardian
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party strongly disagreed with the Constitutional Reform Commission on its proposal for a quota of 10 per cent parliamentary seats for young candidates.
The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami rather preferred emphasis on nominating young candidates but disagreed to the proposed quota.
On the other hand, the newly floated National Citizen Party favoured the quota, with the recommendation that 35 years should be the maximum age for the eligibility of youth under the quota system.
In response to the National Consensus Commission’s 166-point questionnaire on key reforms, the youth-dominated NCP also proposed lowering the voter age from 18 to 16.
At the same time, it opposed reducing the minimum age for a parliamentary candidate from 25 to 21, as suggested in the reform proposals.
The BNP, in its feedback to the NCC, wrote the party disagrees to the youth quota as it considers the nomination of candidates is a matter of a political party’s policy and, therefore, imposing any constitutional obligation regarding quota is inappropriate.
Avoiding giving any specific opinion about the proposed 10 per cent quota, the Jammat wrote that nominating candidates from among the youth should be emphasised.
During their dialogues with the NCC, several other political parties also opposed the youth quota in the parliament.
Nagarik Oikya presidium member Zinnur Chowdhury Dipu and Rashtra Sangskar Andolan organiser Syed Hasibuddin Hossen told New Age that their parties, too, disagree to the option for the 10 per cent youth quota.
Hasibuddin, however, said his party does not discourage young candidates to contest in the parliamentary elections.
Read here the full article published by New Age on 14 April 2025.
Image by New Age
This story was originally published by The 19th.
State legislatures craft most of the laws passed in the United States and serve as the main pipeline for higher office. But sexual harassment in state politics “remains a systemic and ongoing issue affecting both parties,” according to a recent report from the nonpartisan National Women’s Defense League (NWDL), first shared with The 19th.
“Our latest research reinforces what we already knew: the problem of sexual harassment in statehouses is pervasive, damaging and covered up,” said Emma Davidson Tribbs, the NWDL’s co-founder and director. “These abuses of power that not only inflict trauma, but impede policy making, waste taxpayer resources, and disproportionately impact the leadership of women and minorities in government.”
NWDL published its inaugural report, “Abuse of Power: Uncovering a Decade of Sexual Harassment in State Government,” which tracked allegations over a 10-year period beginning in 2013, in November 2023. The updated report, released earlier this month, identified 400 allegations of sexual harassment against 145 sitting state lawmakers between 2013 and 2024. The report tracked 11 new public allegations against lawmakers in 10 states in 2024 and included four allegations inadvertently omitted from the 2023 report. The number of actual incidents is likely three times higher due to underreporting, the report said.
Public allegations of sexual misconduct against state lawmakers peaked at the height of the #MeToo movement in 2017 and 2018, leading to new protections and policy changes in some states. NWDL was founded in 2022 to track, research and develop solutions to the pervasive problem of sexual misconduct in the halls of power.
There are over 7,300 state lawmakers serving in 99 state legislative chambers throughout the United States. State legislatures are largely self-governing bodies, and even after a spate of post-#MeToo reforms, many lawmakers surveyed said the mechanisms for reporting misconduct in their states are lacking.
Read here the full article published by Stateline on 27 March 2025.
Image by Stateline
Issues Surrounding the Quota System in Local Taiwan Government
Days before the second session of the 11th Legislative Yuan (立法院) came to a close, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, 民進黨) lawmaker Fan Yun (范雲) drew attention to the role of women in Taiwan politics when she called upon both women’s groups and fellow legislators to enact changes to Taiwan’s Local Government Act (地方制度法). The request was that the legislature’s Internal Administration Committee (內政委員會)—which is tasked with monitoring administration policies of the legislative and executive bodies—propose amendments that would raise the existing male-to-female ratio within municipal elected bodies from 1:4 to 1:3. (Article 33 of the Act currently calls for a woman representative or councilor for every four seats in special municipalities, counties, cities, and townships, but no clear formula if there are fewer than four seats.)
The Act, which was last amended in 1999, was forward-thinking at the time. However, as Fan Yun pointed out, the law didn’t guarantee the presence of women in smaller municipal or local councils which hold fewer elected seats, and this has translated into all-male representation in local governments. Radio Taiwan International reports that as many as 40 constituencies in 135 council districts have no women in office. Because of this, amendments to the Act would bring a better gender balance to Taiwan’s governing bodies—one that is already reflected among representatives from Taiwan’s urban centers.
Kaohsiung City Councillor Cherry Tang (湯詠瑜) has commented that, “The quota system has been instrumental in securing the presence and representation of female voices in politics over time, [and] I think it has led to a significant increase in female representation. For example, [and] according to my understanding, in the central level, Legislative Yuan, women currently make up around 40 percent of the members… I think these figures reflect the positive impact of [the] quota system in paving the way for women to participate actively in [the] decision making process.” [1]
That a gender divide exists between male and female politicians here in Taiwan might come as a surprise—even to those who follow Taiwan politics closely. After all, Taiwan did have Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), who served two terms as president from 2016 to 2024. Its electorate has also chosen two women to serve as vice president: Annette Lu Hsiu-lien (呂秀蓮) from 2000-2004, and Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴), elected in 2024. Further, as of January 2024, 47 out of 113 elected members in parliament—or about 41.59 percent—are women. Hsiao has since called for that figure to rise to 50 percent.
Click here to read the full article published by the Global Taiwan Institute on 19 February 2025.
Image by Global Taiwan Institute
Senior journalist Asma Shirazi on Sunday denounced a persistent harassment campaign targeting her and other female journalists, saying “enough is enough”, as prominent media figures endorsed a petition by the Digital Rights Foundation (DRF) calling for an end to organised harassment by political parties.
The petition has so far been signed by over 60 figures in print, television, and digital media.
Speaking to Dawn.com, Shirazi said that political parties have executed targeted harassment campaigns against female journalists for some time now, stating that the petition by the DRF showed that these campaigns will no longer be tolerated.
“I have been made a target several times,” she said. “I’m made a subject of discussion to intimidate and threaten others.”
Read here the full article published by The Dawn on 12 January 2025.
Image by The Dawn
Taking the opportunity provided by its 2017 review of political party strengthening, "Reflect, Reform, Re-engage: A Blueprint for 21st Century Parties," NDI has revised its long-standing Win With Women political party assessment tool, including by adding guidance on measuring levels of and dealing with the violence that women members face within their parties. The No Party to Violence: Political Party Assessment includes survey, focus group and in-depth interview tools to be used with women and men in the leadership and membership of parties in order to develop action plans to root out the violence targeting women within their own political party.
Over the last year, this new approach has been piloted with a number of the larger political parties and civil society in Côte d’Ivoire, Honduras, Tanzania and Tunisia. The outcomes from this piloting represent the first assessment of women party members’ experiences of violence within political parties, thus providing important new insights on the phenomenon, which has never been systematically studied previously. It offers a unique cross-country analysis of the current understandings and perceptions of men and women party members around the types, levels, and impact of violence against women within these institutions. This important information is being used to create party- and country-specific recommendations to improve awareness, action and accountability to end violence against women within political parties, thereby strengthening women’s membership and their roles on a basis of enhanced equality. The piloting process has also created a safe space for multi-party dialogue in ways which have not exposed any party to the political risk of negative commentary from the issue being aired in public and/or used by their competitors.
This report provides a preliminary analysis of the topline findings from the surveys of men and women party members in the four countries. This briefing will be followed by an analysis of the accompanying focus group and in-depth interviews that were carried out as part of the No Party to Violence: Political Party Assessment pilots.
Click here to read the report.
This paper considers the emergence of women’s parties, their nature, and development in a comparative framework. Using an original dataset derived from European electoral commissions, statistical offices, national libraries, media archives, party records, and interviews of experts from the respective countries, the author documents and describes 30 such parties contesting elections at the national level in Europe since 1987. She then conducts a series of tests on this panel data to determine when and under what conditions women’s parties are likely to emerge. The author argues that women’s parties are indications of failures of the established political parties to include and represent women’s interests. Additionally, she demonstrates that women’s parties are more likely to appear where women are empowered unevenly than where they are already included or their marginalization is consistent.
Click here to read the paper.
Quotas aren't anathema to meritocracy: they increase competence levels by displacing mediocre men, write Timothy Besley, Olle Folke, Torsten Persson and iKNOW Politics Expert Johanna Rickne in their paper. The abstract is provided below.
Abstract
We develop a model where party leaders choose the competence of politicians on the ballot to trade off electoral success against their own survival. The predicted correlation between the competence of party leaders and followers is strongly supported in Swedish data. We use a novel approach, based on register data for the earnings of the whole population, to measure the competence of all politicians in seven parties, 290 municipalities, and ten elections (1982-2014). We ask how competence was affected by a "zipper" quota, requiring local parties to alternate males and females on the ballot, implemented by the Social Democratic party in 1993. Far from being at odds with meritocracy, this quota raised the competence of male politicians where it raised female representation the most. We argue that resignations of mediocre male leaders was a key driver of this effect.
Click here to read the paper.
Click here to read an LSE blog post based on the paper.
The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) has designed this Framework in order to assist political parties and gender equality advocates in their efforts to develop comprehensive policies to advance gender equality within political parties. Political parties have come to embody a central element of modern representative democracies—voluntary associations of citizens that aggregate and represent the interests of the people. Not only have they become indispensable for democratic governance, they have thus become the key gatekeepers for accessing political power and voice in governmental decision-making.
Are women in Congress really more likely than their male counterparts to work together and get things done, regardless of party lines? Or are they first and foremost partisan creatures? This Political Parity report was authored by researchers Jennifer Lawless, professor of government at American University, where she is also the Director of the Women & Politics Institute, and Sean Theriault, professor of government and university distinguished teaching professor at the University of Texas. This comprehensive study of gender and cooperation on Capitol Hill is a first cut at assessing the conventional wisdom that women of both parties are more likely than their male co-partisans to be “problem solvers” – people who create a climate for passing legislation rather than serving partisan goals. Click here to read the full report and here to watch a webinar in which the authors discuss their findings.
The objective of this publication is to critically assess progress and efforts in advancing women’s political participation in the OSCE region. This compendium brings together existing knowledge and good practice while considering what needs to be done to promote faster progress towards gender parity in politics, and recognizing the importance of embedding those practices in the hands of the authorities of participating States.Aimed at gender experts, human rights activists, development workers, diplomats and politicians, as well as academics, the compendium uses data from published sources to identify recent trends in women’s political participation. The publication explores different aspects of participation of women by focusing specifically on political parties, elections, local politics and parliaments. Drawing on presentations from a meeting of international experts in Warsaw in May 2015, it looks at the reasons behind varying levels of representation and identifies gaps in information and understanding. Click here to read it.