Women's Leadership

Four days after violence left 51 people dead and devastated key seats of power, the former chief justice of the Supreme Court was appointed as interim prime minister. Parliament was dissolved. 

After a four-day power vacuum, Sushila Karki, the former chief justice of Nepal's Supreme Court, was appointed interim prime minister on Friday, September 12. She was officially sworn in late in the evening before the president, Ram Chandra Poudel. Parliament was dissolved.

Karki, age 73, now faces the daunting task of holding the country together and preparing for the next elections, scheduled for March 5, 2026. It is a task made all the more challenging after the protests of September 8 and 9 plunged Nepal into a whirlwind of violence that left 51 dead and ravaged key sites of power in Kathmandu.

Full article here.

The Sudan War series is a joint collaboration between the Center for Economic, Legal, and Social Studies and Documentation – Khartoum (CEDEJ-K), Sudan-Norway Academic Cooperation (SNAC) and African Arguments – Debating Ideas. Through a number of themes that explore the intersections of war, displacement, identities and capital, Sudanese researchers, many of whom are themselves displaced,  highlight their own experiences, the unique dynamisms within the larger communities affected by war, and readings of their possible futures.

They say revolutions turn out badly. But they’re constantly confusing two different things, the way revolutions turn out historically and peo­ple’s revolutionary becoming. These relate to two different sets of people. Men’s only hope lies in a revolutionary becoming: the only way of casting off their shame or responding to what is intolerable – Gilles Deleuze

Since the early days of the mid-April 2023 war, Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs) have emerged as a practical extension of the Resistance Committees. The latter were grassroots political groups formed during the December 2018 revolution tasked with shaping the direction of the mobilization towards change. The ERRs too are more than a coordinated humanitarian response, as their work and ethos build on the Committees’ original political vision: building a grassroots civic space that is people-centred with the aim of reconfiguring the uneven dynamic between society and the state.

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In Bangladesh, the Forum for Women’s Political Rights has called for comprehensive electoral reforms to ensure fair and inclusive representation of women in the political arena.

The forum also demanded direct elections among women candidates to 100 reserved seats in parliament and the mandatory nomination of at least 33% women candidates by every political party to ensure greater representation of women.

During a press conference at Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU), the forum leaders said the current 50 reserved seats without direct election do not provide women with meaningful political power.

The forum leaders highlighted that although women constitute more than half of the country’s population, their representation in parliament has historically been around just 7 percent.

They therefore believe that women’s representation in parliament should be increased to at least 50 percent, reports United News of Bangladesh (UNB).

Full article available here.

That women in Nigeria who have been the backbone of community building, peace processes, and national development have not been well represented in the decision making and governance of the country is no longer a tale as the evidence abound for all to see.

Women representation in the National Assembly remains low, with only 4.2% (20 members out of 469) in the 10th Assembly (2023-2027), comprising 3 of 109 Senators and 17 of 360 members of the House of Representatives which is significantly below the global and African averages and is a result of factors like political party structures and male dominance.

It is trite knowledge that when it comes to political leadership, their voices are not only underrepresented, their contributions are undervalued due to cultural constraints in a society that is primarily patrilineal and patriarchal in nature. Unfortunately for Nigeria, evidence across the world shows that societies that embrace women’s participation in leadership record greater stability, deeper inclusivity, and stronger economic growth.

Full article available here.

President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah reaffirmed Namibia’s firm commitment to promoting gender equality across all sectors.

She emphasised that women’s emancipation is both a constitutional duty and a moral obligation.

During the 63rd Pan African Women’s Day celebration in Windhoek over the weekend, President Nandi-Ndaitwah highlighted Namibia’s leadership in gender equality on the continent, ranking first in Africa and eighth worldwide on the latest international gender parity index.

“This ranking underscores our nation’s continuous efforts to empower women through political representation, education, and economic participation,” she stated.

She praised Namibia’s 50/50 gender representation policy, known as the zebra style, championed by Swapo.

“This strategic policy has transformed gender balance within Swapo structures and the National Assembly, serving as a strong example for Africa,” she added.

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Amalia Alvarez-Benjumea is a Ramón y Cajal Research Fellow at the Institute of Public Goods and Policies at the Spanish National Research Council. Her research explores the emergence and evolution of social norms, particularly the impact of social feedback and contextual information on norm perception and conformity. Amalia Alvarez-Benjumea joined a two-day Expert Group Meeting organized by UN Women to address one of the most persistent barriers to gender equality in political and public life: discriminatory social norms. The event held on 4 and 5 February 2025, brought together feminist scholars, policymakers, activists, and practitioners to chart a path forward for transforming social norms and ensuring women’s full and effective political participation. This experts’ meeting was organized under the WYDE | Women’s Leadership, funded by the European Union, which is a collaborative global effort aimed at advancing women’s full and effective political participation and decision-making at all levels, especially those most often left furthest behind.

1. How do social norms shape the way we view women in politics?

This is a complex issue because social norms are part of broader cultural frameworks that include expectations, roles, and stereotypes. Unfortunately, gender norms and stereotypes often work against women in politics. There is a deeply rooted belief that women belong in the domestic sphere rather than the public one, or that they are not well-suited for positions of power, management and leadership.

Meanwhile, stereotypes about men tend to reinforce the idea that they are “naturally fit” for leadership roles, they are expected to excel in positions of power and be comfortable with decision-making authority. This contrast creates an uneven playing field, making it significantly harder for women to enter and succeed in politics.

Beyond that, when individuals step outside of societal expectations, they are often scrutinized and judged more harshly. Women in politics frequently have to prove themselves as more competent than average, while also facing disproportionate criticism if they make mistakes.

2. What are some of the biggest barriers women face when stepping into leadership roles, and how can they be addressed?

There are both material and societal barriers. Gender norms dictate that women should prioritize caregiving and domestic responsibilities such as taking care of the children, which directly impacts the time and resources they can dedicate to politics. The reality is that women often have fewer hours available for political engagement compared to their male counterparts.

Beyond time constraints, women in politics also face intense backlash, especially online. My research has shown that female politicians and activists, especially those involved in feminist movements, are frequent targets of harassment and hate speech on digital platforms. This hostility discourages women from fully utilizing online spaces for political engagement, limiting their ability to express opinions freely and harnessing the potential of digital platforms for political outreach.

To address these barriers, we need both systemic changes—such as policies supporting work-life balance and political representation quotas—and cultural shifts that challenge harmful stereotypes and normalize women’s leadership. Online harassment must also be tackled through platform regulations that are better designed and drawing from evidence, as well as stronger support networks for women in public life.

3. What lessons can we draw from your research to reduce sexism and biases in political and online spaces?

While not everyone actively confronts gender-based hate speech, there is always a segment of people who push back against it. Encouraging this kind of intervention is essential and has a very positive effect actually.

When individuals counteract sexist remarks, stereotypical statements such as “you belong in the kitchen”, whether online or in public discourse, they help reset societal norms. If someone publicly challenges statements like, “women don’t belong in politics,” it signals to bystanders and observers that this perspective isn’t universally accepted and should not be the norm. It reinforces the idea that women have every right to participate in political spaces and increases the likelihood of other bystanders to intervene as well. Creating and promoting these counter-narratives is a crucial strategy in dismantling biases and reducing discrimination. The more people speak up against sexism, the more we normalize gender equality in leadership.

4. How do intersecting identities—such as race, ethnicity, age, or disability—affect women’s experiences in political spaces?

Intersectionality plays a major role in shaping women’s experiences. A woman in politics is not just navigating gender norms—she is also navigating additional layers of stereotypes based on other aspects of her identity.

For instance, women from marginalized racial or ethnic groups, younger women, or women with disabilities often face compounded biases. If a woman also belongs to the LGBTQ+ community, she may be perceived as “deviating” from traditional gender expectations in multiple ways, making her even more vulnerable to scrutiny and discrimination.

These overlapping biases create unique challenges that require intersectional solutions. Representation matters—not just for women in general, but for diverse women from different backgrounds.

5. What advice would you give to young women entering politics, particularly regarding online harassment?

Despite the challenges, there are reasons to be optimistic. My advice would be: build a strong support network or a reference group. Identify the people you can rely on, whether it’s colleagues, mentors, or allies who share your values and who can create narratives that you can use when facing this sort of hatred.

Also, develop a set of prepared responses for moments when you face harassment or pushback. Having a “toolkit” of responses can help you navigate difficult interactions, online or in person. At the same time, make sure you have people who can step in to defend you when needed. The reality is that online harassment is a major issue, but by preparing for it and surrounding yourself with a reliable support system, you can focus on making an impact rather than constantly being on the defensive.

Original interview published on Capacity4Dev.