Parliaments & Representatives
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Why Women’s Political Participation and Representation Matters
Women’s equal participation and representation in political life is fundamental to inclusive democracy, responsive governance, and sustainable development. Despite global commitments and some progress, women across South Asia remain significantly underrepresented in decision-making roles particularly in legislative leadership, executive office, and youth political spaces.
At the current pace, gender parity in national legislatures will not be achieved before 2063, and parity among Heads of Government may take until 21501.
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Key Facts & Regional Snapshot
Global & South Asia Overview
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Women in national parliaments (global): 27.2%
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South Asia average:
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Lower/Unicameral Houses: 14.7%
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Upper Houses: 19.9%
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South Asian countries with women in top government leadership: India, Sri Lanka
Key Takeaway
Advancing women’s political participation and representation in South Asia requires more than quotas. Sustainable change depends on transforming social norms that fundamentally define the role of women in the politics. Only through transformative gender social norms can we address critical issues like violence against women in politics, and create an inclusive political space for all, contributing to a strong democratic system.
Full snapshot available here.
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UN Commission on the Status of Women 65th Session on Women’s full and effective participation and decision-making in public life, as well as the elimination of violence, for achieving gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls: agreed conclusions E/CN.6/2021/3
Globally, an estimated one in five women have a disability. While there are no concrete statistics on the proportion of women in political leadership positions, an analysis of many parliaments and local authorities does not indicate their proportionate representation in leadership positions.
Equal participation of women with disabilities in politics is often ‘othered’ to adhere to normative frameworks or policies. Their inclusion in political participation is mostly superficial with little or no genuine meaningful approaches to create platforms for their voice, choice and control. Systemic marginalisation and structural barriers to meaningfully include women with disabilities in political participation and representation are driven by social norms. These then translate to the low representation of women with disabilities in political decision-making positions.
The milestone adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2006 and its domestication thereof in many countries is commendable. Yet, burgeoning experiences from women in politics with disabilities has revealed a multitude of obstacles for them to be in elected office. The glaring barrier for women in politics with disability is the intersection with violence. This is often pronounced during election campaigns where in some instances the campaign terrain infrastructure is set up to deliberately frustrate women in politics with disabilities. Their limitation to access some facilities, including polling stations as well as materials is turned into a tool for abuse by some of the male politicians. The media reporting on women in politics with disabilities is sometimes a form of secondary victimisation to the women politicians with disabilities. Training of media practitioners on inclusive reporting for political participation and representation is a remedy.
Full article available here.
Introduction
In the lead-up to the 2025 High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) on Sustainable Development, Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG 5) – Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls took center stage as a critical priority. The review of SDG 5 provided a timely opportunity to accelerate efforts to address deeply entrenched structural inequalities and to highlight the urgency of ensuring inclusive leadership worldwide.
With particular attention to target 5.5, which calls for women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making, the webinars underscored both progress and persistent gaps.
Despite notable advances, women remained underrepresented in political leadership, executive positions, and decision-making bodies globally. Discussions emphasized that achieving gender parity required integrated, evidence-based policies to dismantle legal, institutional, and cultural barriers, supported by governance and accountability mechanisms that move commitments from symbolic gestures to structural realities.
To engage diverse audiences and broaden perspectives, a series of three webinars were organized. One in Arabic, one in English and one in Spanish. Each session explored the following key questions:
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What is the High-Level Political Forum, and what was on the agenda for 2025?
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How might the outcomes impact the future of the global gender equality agenda?
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What are the trends in SDG 5, particularly with reference to target 5.5 on leadership and decision-making?
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What lessons have been learned since the adoption of the SDGs?
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How can more diverse voices be brought into global forums?
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How can reporting on indicators be improved at the national level?
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How can policy reflect a holistic and grounded approach to addressing the SDG 5 agenda?
The webinar in English was held on 11/07/2025
In Japan, women have long been severely underrepresented at the highest levels of business, government and society, the product of a culture that expects them to bear a disproportionate share of child care and housework.
But on Tuesday, the country is poised for a milestone: Sanae Takaichi, a hard-line conservative lawmaker who idolizes Margaret Thatcher, is expected to be named Japan’s next prime minister during an extraordinary session of Parliament. She would be the first woman to serve in that role and the first woman at the top of Japanese government in centuries.
Ms. Takaichi, 64, is a divisive figure in Japan, and her breaking of the glass ceiling has drawn a range of reactions. Her supporters have hailed her as a pioneer who knows firsthand the challenges of Japan’s male-dominated culture. Activists and scholars have expressed concern that she will continue to support policies that have held Japanese women back. Political rivals have accused her of serving as a puppet to men in her party; one male lawmaker recently described her as a bride who had married into a powerful political faction.
Feminist scholars and advocates have long asserted that women’s rights and gender equality are fundamental prerequisites for democratic governance. The close correlation between women’s rights and democracy is becoming increasingly evident, as the erosion of women’s rights often signals early and unmistakable signs of democratic backsliding and the rise of authoritarianism worldwide (Allam 2019; Arat 2022; Chenoweth and Marks 2022). A gendered analysis of state institutions, policymaking, and elections provides crucial insights into the historical fluctuations in women’s rights and, by extension, the overall quality of democracy (Tajali 2022).
An overview of sexist repression in Iran highlights the depth of autocratic entrenchment, as evidenced by increasing gender-based repression and violence. These assaults on women’s fundamental rights are not new but are deeply rooted in the ideologies of Islamic fundamentalism, which have institutionalized patriarchal dominance and systemic gender discrimination (Hoodfar and Sadr 2010; Paidar 1995; Tajali 2024b). This analysis also exposes the contentious relationship between authoritarian elites and feminist advocates, who refuse to remain passive in the face of such attacks.
Feminist movements resisting systemic gender discrimination pose a significant threat to the Iranian regime, resulting in violent crackdowns on women’s rights advocates. A recent example is the regime’s harsh response to the nonviolent “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests, triggered by the killing of 22-year-old Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Jina Amini in September 2022 while in police custody for allegedly violating Iran’s conservative hijab laws. To reassert control, the conservative-dominated Iranian parliament passed a controversial Hijab and Chastity bill in September 2023. This bill introduces harsher penalties for improper veiling, utilizing enhanced surveillance and artificial intelligence to identify those who defy mandatory hijab laws.
While the bill awaits approval from the unelected Guardian Council, Iranian authorities launched the “Noor (Light) Operation” in April 2024, enforcing the bill’s provisions through violent crackdowns on improperly veiled women and girls.
In recent years, India has witnessed a significant rise in women’s empowerment, reflected in greater participation in education, politics, entrepreneurship, and social activism. However, this progress has also sparked debates over culture, morality, and autonomy. Incidents like the disruption of the Miss Rishikesh pageant rehearsal in Uttarakhand reveal persistent moral policing and patriarchal control, challenging women’s right to self-expression. Addressing these tensions is essential to promote gender equality, individual freedom, and a society that genuinely respects women’s choices and aspirations.
What are the Key Factors Driving the Growth of Women’s Empowerment in India?
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Increasing Female Literacy: India's female literacy rate was projected at around 70.3% in 2025, showing a steady upward trend thanks to government schemes like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao.
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Female youth literacy is even higher at 96% for ages 15-24, reflecting growing educational access.
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However, rural-urban and state-wise disparities persist, with states like Kerala and Mizoram having close to universal female literacy, while Bihar and Rajasthan lag behind considerably.
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Rising Workforce Participation: Female labour force participation rate has shown encouraging growth, reaching 41.7% in 2023-24, up from under 30% a decade ago.
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Women's participation is increasing, particularly in the formal sectors, the gig economy, and skilled jobs such as IT and healthcare.
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Self-employment among women rose from 51.9% in 2017 to 67.4% in 2024, indicating growing economic independence and entrepreneurship opportunities.
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Entrepreneurship and Economic Independence: Women-led Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) have nearly doubled over the last decade to about 1.92 crore enterprises in 2023-24.
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The share of women-owned proprietary establishments in India has risen significantly from 17.4% in 2010–11 to 26.2% in 2023–24, reflecting growing female entrepreneurship and economic participation, driven by initiatives like PM Mudra Yojana, Stand-Up India, and Mahila E-Haat.
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Political Representation: As of 2025, women constitute approximately 13.6% of the Lok Sabha, with 74 women elected to the 18th Lok Sabha, reflecting a slight dip from 14.4% in the 17th Lok Sabha (78 women).
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Despite this, women’s representation in local governance remains robust, with nearly 46% of elected representatives at the Panchayati Raj Institutions being women, supported by several state-level provisions for up to 50% reservation.
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The landmark Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (2023) mandates a 33% reservation for women in Parliament and State Assemblies, currently awaiting implementation post-delimitation.
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Increasingly, women politicians are influencing policies on gender equality and social welfare.
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In recent years, the share of women in public office has surged.
*In 2000, just 65 women served in Congress. Today, the number is 151, more than a quarter of the total 535 voting members.
*Likewise at the state level, women now make up about a third of elected officials.
Yet despite these historic gains, women—who make up roughly half of the population—remain starkly underrepresented in government. And for women of color, the disparity is even greater.
No single factor created this gap, and no single change will fix it. But part of the problem is how campaigns are funded—and changing that will make a significant difference.
It’s expensive to run for office: Political ad spending in the 2024 election cycle is expected to exceed $16 billion. And the price of campaigning is a greater barrier for women, who typically have less access than men to the wealthy donors who provide most of this money.
Enter: public financing, a simple but powerful reform that uses public funds to boost small donations to candidates. It’s a policy that can help any candidate willing to engage with a broad base of voters—but some of its biggest beneficiaries are women, particularly women of color, who make up 25 percent of the country’s population but less than 10 percent of state and federal elected offices.
Read here the full article published by Ms. Magazine on 25 April 2024.
Image by Ms. Magazine
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A historic law, the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, 2023, mandates the reservation of one-third of the total seats in the Lok Sabha, state Assemblies, and the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi for women.
In 2023, a historic law was passed to usher more women in governance. The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, 2023, mandates the reservation of one-third of the total seats in the Lok Sabha, state Assemblies, and the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi for women. But representation in leadership isn’t the only sign of gender parity in politics — active participation of the women electorate is also paramount.
So, how has India fared in both regards so far? India Today’s Data Intelligence Unit analysed the turnout data from 1962 to 2019 and candidates’ data from 1957 to 2019 and found a mostly positive trend.
TURNOUT GAP NARROWED
In 1962, men's turnout stood at 63.3 per cent, while women's turnout was notably lower at 46.6 per cent, indicating a considerable gap of 16.7 per cent. This gap fluctuated over the subsequent decades but generally narrowed. For instance, in 2014, men's turnout was 67.1 per cent, while women's turnout increased substantially to 65.6 per cent, resulting in a smaller gap of 1.5 per cent.
Read here the full article published by India Today on 13 April 2024.
Image source: India Today
A Qualitative Study on Violence against Women in Politics in Türkiye, prepared in cooperation with UN Women and Terra Development Cooperative, was introduced at an event organized in Ankara. A qualitative study, which provides important findings on the causes, occurrence, and consequences of violence against women in politics, was presented to the representatives from civil society organizations, public institutions, local governments, and political parties.
The Study on Violence against Women in Politics in Türkiye, which was started to be prepared by Prof. Dr. İknur Yüksel Kaptanoğlu, Project Coordinator of Terra Development Cooperative, together with her study team in 2022, was carried out within the scope of the project "Advancing Gender Equality and Women's Leadership in Political and Business Life” implemented by UN Women and financially supported by the Sweden through Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). In her opening speech, Swedish Ambassador to Ankara Malena Mård emphasized the importance of a political environment free from all forms of violence, especially for young people.
Click here to read the full report published by UN Women on 10 January 2024.
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A Glimpse into the Life of a Women in Politics: CEMR Unveils First Data Coming from 31 Countries
The Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) has released the first infographics showcasing critical insights from their latest report, "Women in Politics."
The data offer a visual snapshot of the representation of women in elected roles across various subnational levels. Additionally, a detailed breakdown of their portfolios at the local level is provided. The second slide of the infographics unveils the results of an anonymous CEMR survey involving 2,424 participants from 31 countries. Focused on elected women in local and regional European roles, the survey explores their experiences of violence in the political realm.
Click here to see the infographic published by the Council of European Municipalities and Regions on 14 December 2023.
Image by Council of European Municipalities and Regions
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For a country with a significant female population, Nigeria has been poor in ensuring gender parity in elected and appointed leadership positions. Since 1979, the country has practiced a presidential form of government, with a devolved form of government across three tiers—federal, state and local levels. Yet, despite the number of elective constituencies available, there has been little to no women elected to these positions. Nigeria has never elected a female president, vice-president or a governor in any of its thirty-six states. Women elected to the national legislature have been a scant percentage in any of the ten constituted sessions of either chamber, with none emerging as president of the senate and a roughly five-month stint for the only woman to emerge speaker of the house of representatives (Polgreen, 2007).
Click here to read the full report published by the Centre for Democracy and Development on 27 November 2023.
Image by Centre for Democracy and Development
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Are the preferences of women and men unequally represented in public policies? This simple yet fundamental question has remained largely unexplored in the fast-growing fields of women’s representation and inequality in the opinion-policy link. Our study analyzes gender biases in policy representation using an original dataset covering 43 countries and four decades, with citizens’ preferences regarding more than 4,000 country-year policies linked to information about actual policy change. Our analysis reveals clear and robust evidence that women’s policy preferences are underrepresented compared to those of men. While this skew is fairly modest in terms of congruence, women’s representation is driven mostly by the high correlation of preferences with men. When there is disagreement, policy is more likely to align with men’s preferences. Our analyses further suggest that women’s substantive underrepresentation is mitigated in contexts with high levels of female descriptive representation and labor market participation. In sum, our study shows that gender inequality extends to the important realm of policy representation, but there is also meaningful variation in unequal representation across contexts.
Click here to read the full article published by the Cambridge University Press on 26 October 2023.