Women's Leadership
Abosede George-Ogan is the Founder of the Women in Leadership Advancement Network in Nigeria and a seasoned development professional with over 20 years of experience across the non-profit, private, and public sectors. Specialized in media and narratives, she also hosts a TV show focused on shaping the perception of women leaders in Nigeria with 17 million views. Her work centers on fostering women’s leadership across all levels. Abosede joined a two-day Expert Group Meeting organized by UN Women on 4-5 February 2025 to address one of the most persistent barriers to gender equality in political and public life: discriminatory social norms. This experts’ meeting was organized under the WYDE | Women’s Leadership, funded by the European Union, which is a collaborative global effort aimed at advancing women’s full and effective political participation and decision-making at all levels, especially those most often left furthest behind.
“The media plays a crucial role in shaping narratives and transforming gender and social norms. From a young age, we are constantly exposed to media, and today, with people consuming content directly through their phones, its influence is stronger than ever. This is why we must pay attention to how media shapes perceptions.
The reality is that media can have both a positive and negative impact. Unfortunately, we’ve seen it mostly reinforcing existing discriminatory social norms. However, there is a real opportunity to actively recruit the media as agents of change. Media have the power to reshape narratives and help society see the collective benefit of having women in leadership.
One major shift that needs to happen is in how the media portray women. Headlines must move beyond focusing on appearance or traditional caregiver roles and instead highlight women's competence, accomplishments, leadership, and abilities. Our Representation Matters campaign aims to demonstrate—through facts and compelling storytelling—that excluding women comes at a cost and that showing them in leadership role actually has a knock-on effect. The media becomes the vehicle to drive this message forward. We also produce a television show designed to spark conversations about gender norms and leadership in Nigeria. It encourages viewers to interrogate their own perceptions—where do these ideas come from? Why do people believe that leadership is a male domain? Why do they admire their mothers but struggle to see women as leaders? If our show gets people talking, it’s a win, because that’s how change begins.
If we want to reshape social norms, we must bring the media along. This means equipping them with the right language, tools, research so they can tell better stories. Lastly, it is not just about content—it is also about ownership. Who controls media platforms? Who has decision-making power? Media ownership remains largely male-dominated, and ensuring diversity in ownership will accelerate the change we want to see. We need more women entrepreneurs in the media space. Yet this is challenging, considering media is capital-intensive: you need infrastructure, equipment, and significant funding, which is why many women remain in supporting roles in media rather than taking the lead in media business ownership.
Ultimately, when women lead influential companies that employ thousands across various regions, they can shape media to offer more substantive, unifying, and enriching content. This can serve as a counterbalance to today’s political media, which often thrives on division and polarization. By reshaping the media landscape, we have the power to reshape society."
Original interview published on Capacity4Dev.
By Clarisse Sih and Bibbi Abruzzini
For over 30 years, women in the Horn of Africa have fought tirelessly against violence, discrimination, and systemic oppression. One of the leading voices in this struggle is Hala Al-Karib, a Sudanese activist and the regional director of the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA).
At the heart of her work is a profound belief: “We are not just imagining power. We are claiming it.”
As part of the Forus March With Us campaign, Al-Karib shares her insights on the state of women’s rights, the barriers they face, and the unstoppable force of grassroots feminist movements shaping the future.
A life shaped by struggle and resistance
Growing up in Sudan, Al-Karib witnessed firsthand the deep inequalities and ethnic divisions that fueled systemic oppression. Her activism began early, inspired by the resilience of the women around her:
I learned early on that oppression exists in many forms — against women, against marginalized communities, against those who challenge power. And I also learned that to survive, we must resist.
Full article available here.
High on the slopes of Mount Meru, in Tanzania’s Arumeru District, lies the quiet village of Mulala. With just 2,000 residents, it is easy to miss — but it is here that one woman, known simply as Mama Anna, has reshaped what local development can look like.
Her transformation from subsistence bean farmer to community educator and entrepreneur began with one unexpected gift: a cow.
Mama Anna — Anna Pallangyo — is a Meru woman, a mother of six, and one of 717 women in the FAIDA Small Enterprise Promotion network. With only a primary school education and limited resources, she began by growing beans to support her family. But the returns were modest, and she saved what she could, determined to find another way.
When a development worker brought her a cow, she wasn’t sure what to do. “What can I do with a gombe [cow]?” she asked aloud. Then she learned to milk it.
Each day, she served milk to her family and friends. When the milk began to overflow, she made a decision: “I’ll sell the maziwa (milk).” Every morning, she walked down the long hill to town; every afternoon, she climbed back up, coins chattering in her pockets “like monkeys.”
Full article published here.
In 1983, Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes, a Brazilian biopharmacist, survived two homicide attempts at home. The first one left her paralyzed from the waist down after she was shot while she was asleep. In the second attempt, she was almost electrocuted in the shower.
In 1991, Penha saw the trial, which convicted her ex-husband of the attacks, being annulled. Five years later, a new trial found him guilty again, but he walked free. It took 19 years and six months, risking the statute of limitations to have him arrested. In 2006, her name became one of the best-known in Brazil when it became associated with a federal law that aims to protect women from domestic and family violence.
The path between the violent episodes that changed her life and the law that tries to avoid this type of crime was possible mainly due to international pressure, Penha acknowledges in a video conversation with Global Voices. In 2001, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) convicted Brazil of negligence and omission in her case, and this led to the law’s creation.
Penha’s name is now also linked to police patrols and other public policies regarding gender violence in the country. A poll by the Brazilian Senate, from 2023, however, pointed out that three out of four Brazilian women know little or nothing at all about the law itself. It also showed that around 30 percent of women in Brazil have suffered domestic violence at the hands of a man.
Full article published here.
GIESSEN, Germany / BETH NAHRIN — On the sidelines of the Syriac Women’s Conference held last Saturday simultaneously in Beth Zalin (Qamishli), North and East Syria; Ankawa, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI); and Giessen, Germany, under the slogan No Equality Without Justice, No Justice Without Women, our newsdesk conducted interviews with several women to discuss the conference’s significance for Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) women.
Siham Quryo, Co-Chair of the People’s Democratic Council within the Democratic Autonomous Administration of the Region of North and East Syria (DAARNES), stated that the Syriac Women’s Conference was held across all regions where the Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) people reside, with the goal of establishing a Syriac Women’s Council to represent Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) women globally and to ensure their active role in shaping the future.
She emphasized the urgent need for Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) women’s participation in building a new Syria that reflects justice, equality, and inclusion.
Full article published here.
“You will work hard.” That was the promise former medical doctor Jennifer Geerlings-Simons made during her presidential election campaign. It was a phrase equal parts warning and invitation, and now, Suriname, the Dutch-speaking Caribbean nation situated on the shoulder of South America, is set to have her as its first-ever woman president.
In the context of media freedom, identity, and political legacy in Suriname, the weight of this moment is being felt across the nation, to the diaspora beyond, but as any woman in public life knows, “firsts” come with double binds. Geerlings-Simons’ presidency has the potential to be scrutinised not solely through a political lens, but also a gendered one. However, her election is historic not simply because of her gender, but because of what she represents: a country at a crossroads, reckoning with its past and daring to imagine a different future.
A coalition and a chance
Following the general election on May 25, Suriname’s political landscape underwent significant changes. To begin with, no single party secured a majority. However, on May 27, Geerlings-Simons’ National Democratic Party (NDP) — once led by the controversial former president Desi Bouterse — announced a six-party coalition totalling 34 of 51 parliamentary seats, enough for a supermajority and to install her as president.
Geerlings-Simons brings decades of political experience to the role. She has been a parliamentarian since 1996, was a former chair of the National Assembly, and has been the NDP’s party leader since July 2024. Now, at 72, she becomes a symbol of both continuity and rupture — a seasoned insider with an outsider’s promise of dismantling corruption, slimming government excess, and modernising the state.
Full article published here.
This article presents the results of a randomized survey experiment demonstrating that the public evaluates women politicians more highly than men across multiple characteristic assessments. This finding is consistent with a recent wave of research indicating greater preference for women politicians. Which respondents rate women politicians more highly, and why? The survey found that women and younger voters do not account for the greater marks given to women politicians. Instead, respondent partisanship and the presumed partisanship of the politician account for a great deal of the findings, with gender playing a complicating role. Democratic and Republican respondents are apt to project their own partisanship onto politicians, and across both parties, the survey found higher assessments for co-partisan politicians and for women politicians. On the whole, women politicians are evaluated on par with of significantly higher than men politicians across six characteristics, scoring especially well relative to men when politicians are presumed to be members of the opposing party and when traditionally feminine characteristics are assessed.
Click here to access the article.
UNDP’s Gender Equality Strategy 2022-2025, aligned with its Strategic Plan, guides UNDP in its efforts to assist countries in accelerating progress on gender equality and the empowerment of women over the next four years. It aims to move beyond piecemeal efforts and to instead help countries to shift power structures and the economic, social, and political systems that perpetuate discrimination.
Click here to access the document.
After national news coverage of a COVID-19 mask requirement controversy in Dodge City, Kansas in December of 2020, Mayor Joyce Warshaw received numerous threats such as “Burn in hell”; “Get murdered”; and “We’re coming for you.” Fifteen days later, Mayor Warshaw resigned saying that she and her family no longer felt safe.
Four important questions arise from the circumstances in which Mayor Warshaw and other mayors find themselves.
- How prevalent is violence against mayors from the public?
- Are there gender and race-based differences in violent experiences of mayors?
- Is the violence experienced by mayors causing them to rethink their service?
- What are the wider implications to representation of exposing public servants to abuse and violence? Will fewer people, especially women and women of color run, for and stay in office?
This research seeks answers to these questions.
Click here to access the report.
This article is the second in a two-part series examining the impact of gender quotas. The first article discussed the structure of gender quotas and their general impacts.
Gender quotas play a varied and complex role in political life; every country maintains its own reason for their implementation and experiences unique outcomes from their existence. This article aims not to present a definitive case for or against gender quotas. Rather, it explores two very different manifestations of gender quotas and how they concretely impact the political atmosphere of India and Sweden. These two countries help demonstrate how quotas may bring gender equality in name, but not in practice. Both countries suffer from a similar “moral hazard” problem where quotas may encourage complacency in addressing women’s issues, leaving deeper problems unresolved.
Click here to read the full article published by Harvard International Review on 15 August 2022.
Africa has made significant progress in enhancing inclusive political participation and representation, mostly for women, youth and people living with disabilities. This report unpacks the trends and challenges of inclusive participation in Africa.
The domestication (though at varying levels) of global and regional normative frameworks such as the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women, the African Youth Charter, and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance has enhanced traction towards inclusive political participation across the continent. However, traction towards progressive legislative frameworks to enhance political participation and representation of refugees remains weak. The thrust for a multigenerational and multidimensional focus in addressing barriers to inclusive political participation and representation should be strengthened.
Click here to access the report.
Gender parity is not recovering, according to the Global Gender Gap Report 2022. It will take another 132 years to close the global gender gap. As crises are compounding, women's workforce outcomes are suffering and the risk of global gender parity backsliding further intensifies.
The Global Gender Gap Index benchmarks the current state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions (Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment). It is the longest-standing index which tracks progress towards closing these gaps over time since its inception in 2006.
Click here to access the report.