Women's Leadership
Under the Women and Youth Democratic Engagement (WYDE) – Women’s Leadership Initiative, International IDEA organized a webinar to present and discuss a series of thematic fact sheets examining how gender social norms influence women’s political participation and representation. Drawing on evidence and insights generated through WYDE activities, including regional and intergenerational dialogues, Young Women’s Empowerment Academies, engagements with men and media practitioners, and contributions from the iKNOW Politics platform and partners, the webinar highlighted key challenges and opportunities for transforming discriminatory social norms.
The discussion focused on three thematic fact sheets addressing: (i) the role of political parties in promoting young women’s political participation and representation; (ii) the role of media in shaping women’s political participation and representation; and (iii) an access, participation, representation, and transformation approach to advancing women’s political leadership and decision-making. Participants validated key findings and recommendations, exchanged regional and country-level experiences, identified emerging trends and shared priorities, and generated insights to inform future advocacy and programming under the WYDE initiative. The webinar brought together women in politics, media professionals, gender equality advocates, civil society representatives, and other stakeholders engaged in WYDE activities.
This year, on March 8, International Women’s Day, participants of the Islamabad chapter of the Aurat March (Women’s March) faced extreme brutality and arrests by the authorities after attempting to hold their annual rally in Pakistan’s capital. Organizers from the feminist collective Hum Aurtein say police used force to disperse the gathering and arrested more than 35 women, including several well-known activists. Authorities accused the group of violating Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, a legal provision that bans public assemblies in designated areas. The detainees were released later that evening after nearly 10 hours in custody.
For the past eight years, Aurat March organizers have marked International Women’s Day (March 8) with creative demonstrations to raise awareness against patriarchy and advocate for the rights of women and marginalized communities in Pakistan. Over the years, marches have been typically organized in several major cities, including Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi, and Multan, where the four chapters are based. While the rallies have often faced pushback from authorities and conservative religious groups, organizers say this year’s detentions in Islamabad marked an unusually severe response.
On the morning of March 8, Aurat March organizers and participants gathered at a supermarket in Sector F-6, intending to march toward the Islamabad Press Club located downtown. Before the rally could begin, police detained the group and transported them in prison vans. Their mobile phones were confiscated, and they were taken to the Women’s Police Station in G-7. Witnesses said that friends and family members who arrived at the station seeking information about the detainees were also threatened with arrest.
A war that began between the United States and Iran on February 28 led to a two-week ceasefire on April 8, brokered through mediation efforts by Pakistan. Islamabad invited both countries to engage in negotiations. Although the first round of talks, held in Islamabad from April 11 to 12, ended in a deadlock, discussions continued behind closed doors, away from media scrutiny. While political leaders sought a path toward peace, a female anchor from GTV News faced a separate struggle, becoming the target of online harassment and abusive commentary.
On April 11–12, media outlets from around the world gathered at the Jinnah Convention Center in Islamabad, Pakistan’s capital, located less than two kilometers from the venue where the official talks were taking place. As social media buzzed with commentary on logistical arrangements and even the branding of coffee for journalists, a photograph of Gharida Farooqi, anchorperson at GTV News, wearing a green cord-set suit, went viral—accompanied by derogatory remarks about her attire. Some accounts circulated morphed images of her, while others engaged in gender-based harassment and shared AI-generated videos of the anchor.
Gharida Farooqi, no stranger to online harassment, filed a complaint with the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA) soon after the images began circulating. At the same time, she quietly gathered evidence to help identify those responsible.
In 2009, 93.7% of Mexico’s governors were men, as were 72.4% of federal deputies and 80.5% of senators.
Seventeen years later, the numbers are very different, as major progress has been made in increasing women’s representation in Mexican politics. Federal gender parity laws, including a 2019 constitutional reform dubbed paridad en todo (parity in everything), have supported the progress.
Today, Mexico has achieved virtual parity in women’s political representation, and the country — as everyone knows — has a female president for the first time.
In this week’s “Mexico in Numbers” article, we take a look at women’s representation in President Claudia Sheinbaum’s cabinet, at the head of state governments and in federal Congress. We also compare female political representation in Mexico to that in the United States.
Let’s get into the numbers!
Abstract: The election of Sanae Takaichi as Japan’s first female prime minister in October 2025, coupled with the Liberal Democratic Party’s historic supermajority in the February 2026 lower house election, invites examination of what women’s political leadership actually means for gender equality. We provide an overview of the key gender-related issues surrounding Takaichi’s rise to power and the broader legislative landscape, arguing that her impressive political triumphs underscore a tension long recognized by political scientists: descriptive representation (i.e., who holds office) does not necessarily improve substantive representation (i.e., whose interests are advanced through policy). Takaichi’s time as prime minister, we argue, can be understood as a test case for the limits of descriptive representation, as voters appear to substitute descriptive and symbolic satisfaction with demands for substantive representation.
Keywords: gender equality, descriptive representation, substantive representation, female leadership, Sanae Takaichi
On February 8, 2026, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi successfully led the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to the largest majority any single Japanese party has secured in the lower house in the postwar era. The LDP won 316 of 465 seats, a historic supermajority that will help Takaichi enact her campaign promises and has also silenced many of her critics. It can be argued that Japan’s first female prime minister now commands more legislative authority than any of her (male) predecessors.
This electoral outcome raises important questions about representation. When she first won the prime ministership on October 21, 2025, Takaichi had broken what commentators have liked to describe as “the ultimate glass ceiling” in a country that ranks 118th out of 148 economies in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2025, which is lower than Uzbekistan (#110) and only a bit higher than Jordan (#122). In stark contrast to Japan’s international gender ranks, an October 2025 Kyodo News poll found that 86 percent of Japanese considered it “desirable” or “somewhat desirable” to have a female prime minister. These data align with other polling done by the Stanford Japan Barometer in the last several years, which has consistently shown that the Japanese public prefers female elected officials. But it’s not clear exactly why this is the case. Do they value female politicians, or Takaichi specifically, or the policies that a female politician might promote, or both? The answer matters here because it helps us understand what Japanese voters think about gender and gender-related policies.
A civil society activist is calling for the urgent enactment of a formal legal framework to enforce the 35% affirmative action for women, warning that without “punishment” for non-compliance, political parties will continue to treat gender equality as a mere “song” rather than a reality.
During a comprehensive assessment of the political landscape on Thursday, Grace John Kenyi—Executive Director for the Centre for Strengthening Community Voice—highlighted significant progress in mentoring young female leaders.
Speaking during the “Amplifying Voices of Women and Girls” program, she also exposed the “dark underbelly” of the political arena, citing challenges ranging from online harassment to demands for sexual favors.
Abstract
Extensive research investigates the impact of descriptive representation on women’s political participation; yet, the underlying mechanisms remain unclear. This article develops a novel theory of descriptive representation, arguing that women politicians mobilize women’s political participation by recruiting women as grassroots party activists. Evidence from a citizen survey and the natural experiment of gender quotas in India confirm that women politicians are more likely to recruit women party activists, and citizens report greater contact with them in reserved constituencies during elections. Furthermore, with women party activists at the helm, electoral campaigns are more likely to contact women, and activist contact is positively associated with political knowledge and participation. Evidence from representative surveys of politicians and party activists and fieldwork in campaigns, further support the theory. The findings highlight the pivotal role of women’s party activism in shaping women’s political behavior, especially in contexts with pervasive clientelism and persistent gender unequal norms.
Click here to read the full article published by the Cambridge University Press on 9 October 2023.
This publication is the latest instalment in the annual series jointly produced by UN Women and UN DESA. The report provides a comprehensive analysis of gender equality progress across all 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Halfway to the end point of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the world is failing to achieve gender equality, making it an increasingly distant goal. If current trends continue, more than 340 million women and girls will still live in extreme poverty by 2030, and close to one in four will experience moderate or severe food insecurity.
Click here to read the full article published by UN Women on 8 September 2023.
There is a fast-growing body of literature on women’s political representation in Africa—a continent that often challenges the existing beliefs and common understandings of women’s representation in politics developed in the Global North. A recent addition to this literature is Women and Power in Africa: Aspiring, Campaigning and Governing, edited by Leonardo Arriola, Martha Johnson, and Melanie Phillips. As a result of the research in this book, conventional wisdoms are upended. The book tackles women’s pathways into power, the gendered effects of electoral systems, media coverages of campaigns, gender stereotyping, and women’s access to campaign finances. Other variables such as educational background, family obligations, and organizational capital are also investigated. The book represents a significant contribution to the field of comparative politics and deepens the theorization of women’s representation in politics.
Click here to read the article by the Cambridge University Press on 18 August 2023.
Women have been politically active and have played key roles at times of critical turning points in Sudan’s history, but this has not been translated into official recognition in political processes or substantive representation in government.
The latest example of this is women’s active role in response to the crisis that has evolved in Sudan since 15 April 2023, when the country was plunged into violence amidst the power struggle between the two main factions of the ruling military regime, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
Click here to read the full article published by Relief Web on 14 June 2023.
During the Summit for Democracy Year of Action, the S4D cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy identified recommendations for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality, Statement and Roadmap of recommendations. The co-leads of the gender cohort – Sweden, Romania, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and International IDEA encourage governments and civil society to consider the recommendations and proposed actions.
The Gender Cohort strongly supports the themes for the Regional Summits for Democracy 2023. The regional themes have a critical link to gender equality and democracy nexus and the Gender Cohort has developed specific briefs on gender for each theme: Youth; Anti-Corruption; Free, Fair and Transparent Elections; Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and Media Freedom.
Statement and Roadmap of Recommendations
The recommendations and proposed actions were identified in consultation with the cohort consisting of over 100 representatives of governments and civil society from all regions of the world. Governments and civil society are encouraged to consider the recommendations as tools for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality. The recommendations focus on three pillars: inclusion; legislative and policy frameworks; and conflict prevention, peace and security. Each thematic pillar is fundamental for gender equality in democracy processes.
Read the statement of recommendations >>
Read the roadmap of recommendations >>
Briefs of the Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality
Gender equality is fundamental to the electoral process because it enables women—as voters, candidates and elected officials—to influence public policy and advocate for their interests. However, women face significant obstacles to political participation, including the use of targeted gender-based violence and intimidation meant to discourage them from running for office or exercising their political rights. Challenges and risks are even greater for women from historically marginalized communities. Additionally, women are less likely to be recruited and selected as candidates, are less likely to have equal access to campaign funds and face greater challenges to proportional representation.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Anti-Corruption
Corruption undermines democracy and justice because it impedes the ability of the public to benefit fully from government institutions. Combating corruption requires a gender perspective in order to gain a full understanding of its scope and impact. Women have unique (but not uniform) approaches to anti-corruption and are also impacted differently by corruption which drives inequalities and undermines opportunities for healthy democracies.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Youth
Youth are the leaders of the future. Yet, people under the age of 35 are rarely found in formal political leadership positions, with fewer women than men in these roles.2 Research by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) found that out of 2.2 per cent of parliamentarians under the age of 30, less than 1 per cent are young women. The marginalization of youth—including young women— from politics leads to missed opportunities to strengthen democracy-building processes and institutions. Gender equality as a prerequisite for democracy requires tailored efforts to engage both young women and men. Barriers to the inclusion of youth in politics must be addressed, including gendered forms of discrimination and violence.
ICTs have the potential to close gender gaps in women’s political participation. They can serve as tools for women to influence policy agendas, increase women’s access to campaign resources, strengthen networks of solidarity, and increase women’s representation in democratic agendas and processes. With social media, blogs, podcasts and promotional videos, women have bypassed traditional media outlets, such as TV and radio, to elevate their profile directly and access political decision-making.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Media Freedom
Media freedom and the safety of women journalists are fundamental to the strength of democratic processes and institutions. Yet, women are not equally represented in the media. A 2020 study of the news media in the UK, US, Kenya, India, South Africa and Nigeria found that women comprised only 15–30 percent of the subjects of news reports.
This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology.
The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores.
Click here to access the book.