Women's Leadership
The gathering brought together political leaders from around the world who collectively reflected on a vision of a future in which women not only participate equally in decision-making, but also actively shape global policies in the interests of peace, sustainability and equality.
On the occasion of the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, the Vice President of the Parliament of Montenegro, Zdenka Popović, participated in the event with the theme "Positive Future", organized by the global network WPL (Women Political Leaders) at the invitation of WPL President Silvana Koh Mehrin.
As announced by the Parliament of Montenegro, the gathering brought together political leaders from around the world who jointly reflected on a vision of a future in which women not only participate equally in decision-making, but also actively shape global policies in the interest of peace, sustainability and equality.
"Vice President Popović used this opportunity for a series of important bilateral meetings with prominent international officials and leaders. Among the interlocutors were: Director-General of the World Health Organization Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, former President of Finland Tarja Halonen, former President of Ethiopia Sahle-Work Zewde, President of WPL Silvana Koh-Mehrin, as well as President and CFO of Salesforce, Robin Washington," it was announced.
The Women's Political Rights Forum has submitted six-point demands to the Election Commission (EC), calling for electoral reforms ahead of the 13th national elections.
The delegation met Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin at the Election Commission Building in Agargaon this afternoon (23 September).
The forum demanded mandatory nomination of women candidates, leadership roles for women within party structures, allocation of campaign funds equal to the expenditure limit, policies to prevent harassment both online and offline, direct elections to reserved parliamentary seats, and the introduction of 'no' votes in all constituencies. A written proposal outlining these demands was formally submitted to the EC during the meeting.
The meeting was led by Maheen Sultan, member of the Women's Affairs Reform Commission, and attended by Sadaf Saz, executive council member of Naripokkho; Seema Dutta, president of Bangladesh Nari Mukti Kendra; and Shyamoli Shil, president of Nari Samhati. Four election commissioners — Abdur Rahmanel Machud, Tahmida Ahmed, Md Anwarul Islam Sarkar, and Abul Fazal Md Sanaullah — along with EC Secretary Akhtar Ahmed, were also present.
New Zealand has brought in a Swedish economist to run its central bank as it seeks to end a period of turmoil at the top of the institution and steer the country away from the brink of a “double-dip” recession. Anna Breman, who has been first deputy governor of the Sveriges Riksbank in Sweden since 2019, will become the first female governor of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand when she takes up the role in December. Her appointment follows a period of recent upheaval at the central bank, where her predecessor Adrian Orr abruptly stood down this year due to a disagreement with the government over the institution’s budget. Neil Quigley, chair of the central bank, also departed last month. The RBNZ canvassed 300 candidates for the role, according to finance minister Nicola Willis, who in a statement on Wednesday praised Breman’s “impressive blend of technical skills and organisational leadership experience”.
On this International Day of Peace on September 21, the call for unity and reconciliation resonates worldwide but for women in conflict zones, peace is not just a principle to celebrate, it is a daily act of survival and rebuilding. Local community and government leaders, health workers, policymakers, and mothers sustain fragile trust in communities torn apart by violence. They rebuild, they console, they negotiate. Their actions and voices are critical in peace and security efforts, yet their stories seldom receive the recognition they deserve.
The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda acknowledges the meaningful perspectives that women bring to the table, drawing them from the margins to the center. Rooted in UN Security Council Resolution 1325, this framework emphasizes that decisions about peace must meaningfully include women. In alignment with the aims of the WPS agenda, organizations like Our Secure Future are leading initiatives to advance women’s roles in peace and security efforts in order to enable more effective policy-making and lasting peace. Evidence consistently shows that when women fully participate in peace processes, peace agreements tend to endure and carry meaning beyond words.
However, women remain underrepresented in peace processes globally. In 2023, women constituted only 9.6 percent of negotiators, 13.7 percent of mediators, and 26.6 percent of signatories in peace and ceasefire agreements, a notable improvement from earlier figures, yet still far short of parity even as their informal leadership continues to shape trust and dialogue in countless ways.
The harassment of women is nothing alien in Bangladesh, but when it comes to politics, the hostility is sharpened and deliberate. Women candidates, and anyone who dares to support them, are unfairly attacked, judged, and harassed. The recent student council elections in our biggest universities made this painfully clear. The misogyny, the character assassination, the filth in the comment sections of social media platforms, it is all meant to remind women of one thing: Politics is not your field.
I am no fan of BNP politician Rumin Farhana. But it stuck in my head when I scrolled through a news post about her; the comments were filled with bigotry, obscenity, and misogyny. This is the norm, but when the subject is a woman in politics, the ugliness multiplies. She is not attacked for her politics, but for her personal choices, for being unmarried, for simply existing as a woman in public life. The cruelty is staggering.
This cruelty is not just reserved for national figures. At Dhaka University, female candidates contesting the Ducsu elections have faced waves of online abuse. Obscene comments under campaign posts, sexually explicit inbox messages, doctored videos, even rape threats -- this is the reality of student politics for women.
One incident was so severe it reached the High Court: After a left alliance candidate filed a petition, a student posted a call for her “gang rape” on Facebook. The offender was suspended, but almost every woman candidate reported cyberbullying. As one described, social media had become a “weapon to bring down opponents.” Misogyny here is not about ideology. It is about punishing women for daring to get involved in politics at all.
Every fall, as Parliament returns and calendars quickly fill with receptions, meetings, and fundraisers, one gathering on the Hill stands out from the rest. Women on the Hill has become a cherished Ottawa tradition, bringing together women from politics, policy, media, government relations, and diplomacy.
What sets Women on the Hill apart on the Ottawa reception circuit is its purpose of creating a space for women to truly connect. Since the beginning of its origin, the aim has always been to shine a light on the contributions of women who shape the national conversation from House of Commons to press galleries, embassies to boardrooms. It is where senior political leaders and new staffers, veteran journalists and emerging government relations professionals, trade insights and stories over a glass of wine…or two.
The community that the Women on the Hill event has fostered is unique to any other recent throughout the year. It’s a space where a minister may strike up a conversation with a young staffer, where journalists and diplomats share perspectives, and where industry veterans make themselves accessible to the next generation of women on the hill.
Full article here.
During the Summit for Democracy Year of Action, the S4D cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy identified recommendations for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality, Statement and Roadmap of recommendations. The co-leads of the gender cohort – Sweden, Romania, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and International IDEA encourage governments and civil society to consider the recommendations and proposed actions.
The Gender Cohort strongly supports the themes for the Regional Summits for Democracy 2023. The regional themes have a critical link to gender equality and democracy nexus and the Gender Cohort has developed specific briefs on gender for each theme: Youth; Anti-Corruption; Free, Fair and Transparent Elections; Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and Media Freedom.
Statement and Roadmap of Recommendations
The recommendations and proposed actions were identified in consultation with the cohort consisting of over 100 representatives of governments and civil society from all regions of the world. Governments and civil society are encouraged to consider the recommendations as tools for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality. The recommendations focus on three pillars: inclusion; legislative and policy frameworks; and conflict prevention, peace and security. Each thematic pillar is fundamental for gender equality in democracy processes.
Read the statement of recommendations >>
Read the roadmap of recommendations >>
Briefs of the Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality
Gender equality is fundamental to the electoral process because it enables women—as voters, candidates and elected officials—to influence public policy and advocate for their interests. However, women face significant obstacles to political participation, including the use of targeted gender-based violence and intimidation meant to discourage them from running for office or exercising their political rights. Challenges and risks are even greater for women from historically marginalized communities. Additionally, women are less likely to be recruited and selected as candidates, are less likely to have equal access to campaign funds and face greater challenges to proportional representation.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Anti-Corruption
Corruption undermines democracy and justice because it impedes the ability of the public to benefit fully from government institutions. Combating corruption requires a gender perspective in order to gain a full understanding of its scope and impact. Women have unique (but not uniform) approaches to anti-corruption and are also impacted differently by corruption which drives inequalities and undermines opportunities for healthy democracies.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Youth
Youth are the leaders of the future. Yet, people under the age of 35 are rarely found in formal political leadership positions, with fewer women than men in these roles.2 Research by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) found that out of 2.2 per cent of parliamentarians under the age of 30, less than 1 per cent are young women. The marginalization of youth—including young women— from politics leads to missed opportunities to strengthen democracy-building processes and institutions. Gender equality as a prerequisite for democracy requires tailored efforts to engage both young women and men. Barriers to the inclusion of youth in politics must be addressed, including gendered forms of discrimination and violence.
ICTs have the potential to close gender gaps in women’s political participation. They can serve as tools for women to influence policy agendas, increase women’s access to campaign resources, strengthen networks of solidarity, and increase women’s representation in democratic agendas and processes. With social media, blogs, podcasts and promotional videos, women have bypassed traditional media outlets, such as TV and radio, to elevate their profile directly and access political decision-making.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Media Freedom
Media freedom and the safety of women journalists are fundamental to the strength of democratic processes and institutions. Yet, women are not equally represented in the media. A 2020 study of the news media in the UK, US, Kenya, India, South Africa and Nigeria found that women comprised only 15–30 percent of the subjects of news reports.
This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology.
The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores.
Click here to access the book.
Abstract
Concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across Western democracies. Despite growing attention to affective polarization, existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-level interparty hostility. Drawing on scholarship on women’s behavior as elected representatives and citizens’ beliefs about women politicians, we posit the women MPs affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal, partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions of women MPs. We evaluate this claim with an original dataset on women’s presence in 125 political parties in 20 Western democracies from 1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans’ affective ratings of political opponents. We show that women’s representation is associated with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women partisans react positively to out-party women MPs. Increasing women’s parliamentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility.
Click here to access the paper.
At a time of pandemics, international economic downturns, and increasing environmental threats due to climate change, countries around the world are facing numerous crises. What impact might we expect these crises to have on the already common perception that executive leadership is a masculine domain? For years, women executives’ ability to lead has been questioned (Jalalzai 2013). However, the outbreak of COVID-19 brought headlines like CNN’s “Women Leaders Are Doing a Disproportionately Great Job at Handling the Pandemic” (Fincher 2020). Do crises offer women presidents and prime ministers opportunities to be perceived as competent leaders? Or do they prime masculinized leadership expectations and reinforce common conceptions that women are unfit to lead? We maintain that people’s perceptions of crisis leadership will depend on whether the crisis creates role (in)congruity between traditional gender norms and the leadership expectations generated by the particular crisis.
Click here to read the article by Cambridge University Press the 12 January 2023.
Women’s political rights and their exercise of political citizenship globally have often expanded more rapidly in times of conflict, crisis, and revolution. The decline of empires after World Wars I and II and the creation of new nations served as a catalyst for the expansion of women’s suffrage. Civil wars and revolutions have had similar outcomes in expanding women’s political citizenship. This essay brings together several disparate literatures on World War I, World War II, wars of independence, revolution, and post-1990 civil wars and expands their scope to show how women’s political rights and citizenship in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have often been linked to conflict. In doing so, I highlight a notable pathway by which rights expansions occurred: conflict led to changes in the political elite and ruling class, resulting in the necessity to rewrite constitutions and other rules of the polity. During these critical junctures, women’s rights activists gained opportunities to advance their demands. The context of changing international gender norms also influenced these moments. I consider two key moments in the worldwide expansion of political citizenship: the struggle for women’s suffrage and the struggle to expand women’s representation in local and national representative bodies.
Click here to read the article by Cambridge University Press on 12 January 2023.
UN Women and ESCWA conducted in-depth interviews with seven Lebanese women in politics who were all ‘first’s’ in different ways. They include the first female Minister of Interior in Lebanon and the Arab world, the first female Minister to have a child, the first female independent Member of Parliament, the first female Secretary-General of a political party represented in Parliament and the first female Head of party.
This report analyses the set of interviews and explores the stories of each - the barriers they faced to political participation and the opportunities they leveraged.
The report aims to offer policy makers and practitioners a better understanding of the challenges and opportunities that exist when women seek political office in Lebanon.
Click here to access the report.