Women's Leadership
Discussions around gender issues, especially women’s representation in parliament, intensified in Nigeria in 2025.
A legislative proposal, widely known as the Special Seats Bill or Reserved Seats Bill, was the primary focus of the discussion.
The bill, which has received widespread support from civil societies and state governments, including the Governors’ Forum, “signals a rare cross-sector push for institutional change,” Mabel Ade, founder of Adinya Arise Foundation (AAF), noted.
Ms Ade described 2025 as a “catalytic year,” because old promises were interrogated.
“The real test ahead is whether Nigeria will translate the Beijing+30 momentum into enforceable laws, institutional reforms, and measurable increases in women’s political representation and safety,” she said.
Lydia Umar, the director of Gender Awareness Trust, corroborated Ms Ade’s opinion.
In March 2025, Nigeria’s political scene was jolted when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan publicly accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment. Rather than prompt a serious investigation, the Senate responded by suspending her for six months on the grounds of “unruly and disruptive” behavior—an action widely perceived as punitive and silencing.
In interviews with the BBC, Natasha detailed how Akpabio would “squeeze my hands in a very suggestive way,” joked that her missing wedding ring was an “invitation to treat,” and remark that “your husband must be really enjoying… you’d be able to make good movements with your waist.” When she spoke up, the Nigerian Senate Chamber laughed. “People don’t understand what it means to carry this,” she said. “Maybe we don’t talk about it enough in Nigeria or Africa… I just want a place where I would just work. I thought the worst was over, but for a woman, it’s never really over.”
Women in politics are, historically speaking, newcomers to a field built without them in mind.
Women may now hold seats at political tables, but those tables were never designed for them, and the violence, scrutiny and hostility they face are not anomalies but symptoms of systems still shaped by exclusion.
In Mexico, President Claudia Sheinbaum, celebrated as the nation’s first woman elected to the role, was sexually assaulted in broad daylight during a public event.
The assault was shocking, but perhaps more alarming was how quickly some dismissed it as just another hazard of public life. Her experience exposes the ongoing physical vulnerability women leaders continue to face, as well as the troubling tendency to minimize violence against them as inevitable rather than unacceptable. Power does not insulate women from misogyny; in many cases, it makes them more visible targets.
Closer to home, Montreal’s women mayors navigate a political terrain that looks welcoming on paper but feels far less in practice.
Their experiences show how the everyday labour of governing becomes gendered; from constant online harassment to double standards that shape expectations of tone, behaviour and even wardrobe. Their professionalism is evaluated alongside irrelevant criteria, sending the same persistent message: you can sit at the table, but don’t get too comfortable.
Milestones: Gina Raimondo became the first woman governor of Rhode Island (2015); Marian Anderson is the first African American woman to sing at the Metropolitan Opera; Ella Grasso became the first woman governor of Connecticut (1975); Anna Pauline “Pauli” Murray is the first African American woman ordained to the Episcopal priesthood (1977); Kay A. Orr, became the first woman governor of Nebraska (1987); Sen. Aaron Sargent introduced a resolution, written by Susan B. Anthony, to Congress for Women’s Suffrage Amendment (1878); Madeleine M. Kunin, first Jewish woman governor and first woman to serve three terms as governor in Vermont; Victoria Woodhull, first woman to address a House Committee, argues for women’s suffrage (1871); and Amelia Earhart makes the first solo flight from Hawaii to North America.
Birthdays for notable women: Kate McKinnon, actor and LGBTQ activist; Katie Couric, journalist; Zora Neale Hurston, author (1891); Kaia Los Huertos; Kate Stewart, Montgomery County Council; Carrie Chapman Catt, suffragist and peace activist (1859); Sian Leah Beilock, former president of Barnard College and current president of Dartmouth; Sarah Jane Higginbotham, co-founder of Harrison Clark LLC and the National Women’s Defense League; Anna Kellar, national organizing director at Rank the Vote; Alice Paul, Quaker, suffragist, author of the Equal Rights Amendment (1885).
This data story looks at the economic empowerment of women over the past decade and a half across selected Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Liban, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine*, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates). It sets out a few stylised facts on how education, labour markets, laws, and public opinion shape women’s opportunities**. It also looks at how economic realities interact with cultural norms and legal structures across the region. Most importantly, it asks a central question: are women agents of change in their own economic and political trajectories, and how is that visible in the data that follows?
This issue goes beyond human rights or social and economic concerns and directly affects the region’s political and security landscape. As women gain greater opportunities to work, earn and participate in public life, they strengthen the resilience of families and communities, which supports broader social stability and – as research has consistently shown – contributes to higher levels of security and peace.
When the 1967 Abortion Act cleared parliament, marking one of the most significant steps forward for women’s rights in history, Diane Munday was among the campaigners raising a glass of champagne on the terrace of the House of Commons.
“I’m only drinking a half a glass,” she told her colleagues at the time, “because the job is only half done.”
And, she was right. “Fifty years later, women were still going to prison,” says Munday, who co-founded the British Pregnancy Advice Service. She was also a leading member of the Abortion Law Reform Association during the 1960s and 1970s and is a patron of Humanists UK.
The 94-year-old campaigner still spends most of her days at work in her home office, where evidence of her passion is clear: from the bookshelf stacked with titles about abortion, to the notes tacked above her desk, to the filing cabinet stuffed with decades of history.
There is a fast-growing body of literature on women’s political representation in Africa—a continent that often challenges the existing beliefs and common understandings of women’s representation in politics developed in the Global North. A recent addition to this literature is Women and Power in Africa: Aspiring, Campaigning and Governing, edited by Leonardo Arriola, Martha Johnson, and Melanie Phillips. As a result of the research in this book, conventional wisdoms are upended. The book tackles women’s pathways into power, the gendered effects of electoral systems, media coverages of campaigns, gender stereotyping, and women’s access to campaign finances. Other variables such as educational background, family obligations, and organizational capital are also investigated. The book represents a significant contribution to the field of comparative politics and deepens the theorization of women’s representation in politics.
Click here to read the article by the Cambridge University Press on 18 August 2023.
Women have been politically active and have played key roles at times of critical turning points in Sudan’s history, but this has not been translated into official recognition in political processes or substantive representation in government.
The latest example of this is women’s active role in response to the crisis that has evolved in Sudan since 15 April 2023, when the country was plunged into violence amidst the power struggle between the two main factions of the ruling military regime, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
Click here to read the full article published by Relief Web on 14 June 2023.
During the Summit for Democracy Year of Action, the S4D cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy identified recommendations for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality, Statement and Roadmap of recommendations. The co-leads of the gender cohort – Sweden, Romania, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and International IDEA encourage governments and civil society to consider the recommendations and proposed actions.
The Gender Cohort strongly supports the themes for the Regional Summits for Democracy 2023. The regional themes have a critical link to gender equality and democracy nexus and the Gender Cohort has developed specific briefs on gender for each theme: Youth; Anti-Corruption; Free, Fair and Transparent Elections; Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and Media Freedom.
Statement and Roadmap of Recommendations
The recommendations and proposed actions were identified in consultation with the cohort consisting of over 100 representatives of governments and civil society from all regions of the world. Governments and civil society are encouraged to consider the recommendations as tools for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality. The recommendations focus on three pillars: inclusion; legislative and policy frameworks; and conflict prevention, peace and security. Each thematic pillar is fundamental for gender equality in democracy processes.
Read the statement of recommendations >>
Read the roadmap of recommendations >>
Briefs of the Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality
Gender equality is fundamental to the electoral process because it enables women—as voters, candidates and elected officials—to influence public policy and advocate for their interests. However, women face significant obstacles to political participation, including the use of targeted gender-based violence and intimidation meant to discourage them from running for office or exercising their political rights. Challenges and risks are even greater for women from historically marginalized communities. Additionally, women are less likely to be recruited and selected as candidates, are less likely to have equal access to campaign funds and face greater challenges to proportional representation.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Anti-Corruption
Corruption undermines democracy and justice because it impedes the ability of the public to benefit fully from government institutions. Combating corruption requires a gender perspective in order to gain a full understanding of its scope and impact. Women have unique (but not uniform) approaches to anti-corruption and are also impacted differently by corruption which drives inequalities and undermines opportunities for healthy democracies.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Youth
Youth are the leaders of the future. Yet, people under the age of 35 are rarely found in formal political leadership positions, with fewer women than men in these roles.2 Research by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) found that out of 2.2 per cent of parliamentarians under the age of 30, less than 1 per cent are young women. The marginalization of youth—including young women— from politics leads to missed opportunities to strengthen democracy-building processes and institutions. Gender equality as a prerequisite for democracy requires tailored efforts to engage both young women and men. Barriers to the inclusion of youth in politics must be addressed, including gendered forms of discrimination and violence.
ICTs have the potential to close gender gaps in women’s political participation. They can serve as tools for women to influence policy agendas, increase women’s access to campaign resources, strengthen networks of solidarity, and increase women’s representation in democratic agendas and processes. With social media, blogs, podcasts and promotional videos, women have bypassed traditional media outlets, such as TV and radio, to elevate their profile directly and access political decision-making.
Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Media Freedom
Media freedom and the safety of women journalists are fundamental to the strength of democratic processes and institutions. Yet, women are not equally represented in the media. A 2020 study of the news media in the UK, US, Kenya, India, South Africa and Nigeria found that women comprised only 15–30 percent of the subjects of news reports.
This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology.
The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores.
Click here to access the book.
Abstract
Concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across Western democracies. Despite growing attention to affective polarization, existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-level interparty hostility. Drawing on scholarship on women’s behavior as elected representatives and citizens’ beliefs about women politicians, we posit the women MPs affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal, partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions of women MPs. We evaluate this claim with an original dataset on women’s presence in 125 political parties in 20 Western democracies from 1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans’ affective ratings of political opponents. We show that women’s representation is associated with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women partisans react positively to out-party women MPs. Increasing women’s parliamentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility.
Click here to access the paper.
At a time of pandemics, international economic downturns, and increasing environmental threats due to climate change, countries around the world are facing numerous crises. What impact might we expect these crises to have on the already common perception that executive leadership is a masculine domain? For years, women executives’ ability to lead has been questioned (Jalalzai 2013). However, the outbreak of COVID-19 brought headlines like CNN’s “Women Leaders Are Doing a Disproportionately Great Job at Handling the Pandemic” (Fincher 2020). Do crises offer women presidents and prime ministers opportunities to be perceived as competent leaders? Or do they prime masculinized leadership expectations and reinforce common conceptions that women are unfit to lead? We maintain that people’s perceptions of crisis leadership will depend on whether the crisis creates role (in)congruity between traditional gender norms and the leadership expectations generated by the particular crisis.
Click here to read the article by Cambridge University Press the 12 January 2023.