Parliaments & Representatives
“For me, a better democracy is a democracy where women do not only have the right to vote and to elect but to be elected.”
Michelle Bachelet, former president of Chile.
Amidst the ongoing 2024 general elections, the world’s biggest democracy is witnessing many disruptions, from leaders hopping from one party to another to parties and political parties making extravagant promises to woo their voters. However, one question remains unanswered with every election: When will women be adequately represented in Indian politics?
The continuous under-representation of elected women representatives in legislative bodies and decision-making processes has not only hindered the country's progress toward true equality and inclusive governance, but has also raised the question of whether we are truly democratic regarding electoral representation.
A recent study by Prajatantra, a non-profit, non-partisan organisation that seeks to democratise electoral politics by helping more people participate in electoral politics, has found out in their latest report on 'Political Entry in India' that dynasts, criminals, and crorepatis have enveloped 91.7 per cent of politics. The study further points out the pervasive gender-based gatekeeping issue in state assemblies: only 12 per cent of the elected representatives are women. More alarming is the revelation that out of the total women who get elected, 50 per cent of them have entered the arena through dynastic politics. This indicates a crisis in Indian society, where traditional roles, educational and financial barriers, and exposure deficit have created a political ecosystem that is operating without adequate representation from women's cohorts.
Read here the full article published by The Week on 20 May 2024.
Image by The Week
It’s no secret that women have made unprecedented strides in seeking and attaining elected office over the last decade. Twenty-eight percent of elected officials in Congress are women (compared to 19 percent 10 years ago), nearly one-third of our state legislature seats are held by women, and we have our first-ever woman vice president.
But while more women are winning elected positions, the looming gender bias within our political system persists. And according to a number of women elected throughout various levels of government — it’s one hurdle to win an election, but quite another to thrive in office.
That was the consensus among more than 60 women across the political spectrum — including Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., and Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., former Georgia House Minority Leader Stacey Abrams, Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healey and Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego — who were interviewed for a year-long reporting project by Cosmopolitan, “How to Succeed in Office.” The report was produced in partnership with Melinda French Gates-founded Pivotal Ventures.
Read here the full article published by MSNBC News on 16 May 2024.
Image by MSNBC News
.
Gendered disinformation is being used across Africa as a tactic to silence critics and exclude women from online civic discourses, new research shows.
A new book ‘Digital Disinformation in Africa: Hashtag Politics, Power and Propaganda’ explores this further. It is written by Nkem Agunwa, a digital campaigner focusing on human rights activism based in Nigeria and member of the African Digital Rights Network (ADRN), hosted by IDS.
In an unprecedented year for elections in Africa – with 17 countries heading to the polls, the fear is that digital disinformation poses a rising threat to women’s political participation.
The book references the 2016 study by the Inter-Parliamentary Union of female lawmakers globally which revealed that 41.8 per cent of participants said they have been subjected to degrading or sexual images of themselves being circulate on social media. While gendered disinformation is not new, digital technology allows for collective and coordinated anonymous targeting of people with disinformation. As a result, digital spaces across Africa are increasingly being used to manipulate the public and spread disinformation, or to harass and intimidate individuals, creating an atmosphere of fear and distrust.
Not only does gendered disinformation keep women from participating in democratic processes, but as the book details, it directly threatens the fight for gender equality and inclusivity across Africa.
Read here the full article published by the Institute of Development Studies on 10 May 2024.
Image by Skorzewiak via Shutterstock
.
Nearly half (47 percent) of women in local politics face threats and hate online, compared to 35 percent of their male colleagues. Female politicians from progressive parties are particularly often targeted, according to new research commissioned by the Cabinet.
Minister Hugo de Jonge of Home Affairs and Kingdom Relations, who commissioned the study, called the results “scandalous and unacceptable” in a letter to parliament, according to RTL Nieuws. This behavior, targeting women in particular, is “a threat to democracy,” he said.
The study showed that women not only have to deal with more online aggression and violence, but they also experience more consequences. One in ten women indicated that they have considered quitting politics due to online harassment. De Jonge called that disconcerting. “Women no longer choose politics or even quit the profession. Or they opt for self-censorship and decide to express themselves less. It makes democracy vulnerable.”
Strikingly, women from progressive parties are more often the target of online aggression and harassment. D66 women, in particular, seem to be a magnet for threats from right-wing extremists. D66 leader Sigrid Kaag announced her departure from national politics for this reason last summer. She said she could no longer subject her family to the “hatred, harassment, and threats” she faced due to her work.
Read here the full article published by The Netherlands Times on 14 May 2024.
Image by The Netherlands Times
.
March 8, 1857 witnessed the uprising of female needle factory workers in New York City, who marched in defiance of perilous working conditions, meagre pay, and gruelling 12-hour shifts. This demonstration resonated across the Atlantic, reaching Europe with its message of solidarity. Building upon the momentum of the 1857 movement, by 1860, female needle factory workers succeeded in securing the legal authorisation to establish a union. Fast forward to March 8, 1908, when thousands of women employed in the garment and textile sectors of New York City renewed the call for equitable pay and a standard eight-hour workday by mobilising on the streets once more.
In 1909, following the precedent set by their predecessors, 30,000 US women workers initiated a 13-week strike advocating for similar demands. The following year, in 1910, the First International Conference of Socialist Women convened in Copenhagen, Denmark. During the second assembly of this conference, Clara Zetkin, a prominent figure in the German Social Democratic Party, presented a proposal. She suggested the establishment of an annual gathering specifically for working women, providing them with a platform to convene and share perspectives on a designated day each year.
Clara Zetkin's proposal led to the adoption of March 8 as Women's Day. However, it wasn't until 1974, 117 years later, that the United Nations officially recognised March 8 as International Women's Day. Today, we commemorate the protest of women workers in New York City on March 8, 1857 as International Women's Day.
Read here the full article published by The Daily Star on 8 March 2024.
Image by The Daily Star
.
The objective behind the move in 1972 to have reserved seats for women in parliament was to increase women's representation in the legislative body. Fifty-two years later, the number of these seats has increased to 50, but does that mean women in these seats are politically empowered? That there are more women's voices now and a greater role of women MPs in decision making? We all know the answer. The increase in reserved seats did not translate to an increase in women's political participation and empowerment.
The reason is quite obvious. These seats are used to increase the number of votes for each political party in parliament; the more seats a party has, the more it will benefit as women MPs in reserved seats are bound to show allegiance to the party that has nominated them. Ultimately, the ruling party (which has the majority of seats) benefits from this system.
As a report in this paper has shown, women MPs in these seats are not given the required resources, authority or opportunity to share responsibilities of a constituency. In fact, only the MPs directly elected have the authority over their constituency. Thus, while eligibility and political commitment are prerequisites for anyone to be an MP, being in a reserved seat with no real power serves precious little except to give some privileges to the MP in question. These days, even eligibility is not a criterion, rather it is whether the nominee is related to a politically influential person—that she is chosen. On many occasions, women MPs from reserved seats have expressed their frustration at having no real authority; sometimes they are treated dismissively within the party and outside.
Read here the full article published by The Daily Star on 5 May 2024.
Image by The Daily Star
.
The addition of identity types to ACLED data on political violence targeting women sheds new light on the threats to women’s participation in political processes, such as running for or holding office, supporting or voting for political candidates, leading human rights campaigns or civil society initiatives, and more. This report analyzes the expanded data to unpack key trends in violence targeting women in politics.
Click here to read the full report.
The present regional study, the second in the series, focuses on parliaments in Africa and was carried out in partnership with the African Parliamentary Union (APU). It is based on confidential interviews conducted with 224 women parliamentarians and members of parliamentary staff from 50 countries and one subregional parliamentary assembly (see methodology of the study on page X). The aim of the study is to enrich the documentation and knowledge available on violence against women in parliaments in Africa, taking into account their voices and realities in the local context of the continent. New data thus obtained can be compared with data from the two previous studies, helping to further fine-tune how we view and understand the problem. It is by improving our knowledge and recognizing these acts of violence that we can prevent and fight against them, while also combating the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators. Listening to women affected by violence and gathering their perspectives are also ways to ensure that the help and services available are appropriate and anchored in reality.
Click here to read the report.
This Handbook aims to serve as a resource for lawmakers from around the world for designing gender-responsive laws. Such law-making should address the strategic needs of women and girls and must encompass the enactment of new laws, amending or repealing laws which are outdated, are inconsistent with constitutions, or discriminate against them. The Handbook was prepared in close consultation with parliamentarians from across different legal systems of the world, combined with a desk review of relevant literature.
Click here to access the report.
Recently, the issue of harassment and intimidation of women in politics in long-established democracies has become a source of concern. Current research emphasizes that while women may be more frequently attacked, not all incidents of abuse against women in politics are of a gendered nature. This finding prompts further questions such as are women more frequently targeted because they are women and does such targeting inhibit women from fully participating in political campaigning? Using data from the Representative Audit of Britain’s survey of candidates contesting the 2019 General Election, this study shows that harassment has a negative electoral effect for women, even while controlling for the visibility of the candidate. This article argues that the harassment of women candidates in the UK is gendered, both in its motives and outcomes as it forces women to modify their campaign activities in ways that diminish their chances of gaining office. Our findings contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of violence towards women in politics and gendered political violence.
Click here to read the full article published by Taylor and Francis Online on 23 August 2022.
Political decisions get better the more diverse the people are who make them. That is especially true in deeply divided societies, in countries that want to move from war to peace. Yet, women and marginalised groups are often absent from tables where key decisions are made. The same applies to our own EU and national institutions. Foreign and security policy often remains a closed circle of “people with badges talking to people with badges”. And the higher the level, the “harder” the security, the fewer women. This shouldn’t be news, but it is important to have data on the subject matter to push for real change. And that is why I set out, in 2020, to build the #SHEcurity Index; together with a growing team of supporting organisations and individuals.
This is the 2nd edition of the #SHEcurity Index. The index for the first time gave a comprehensive overview of how far we have come with regards to gender equality in Peace & Security and UN resolution 1325.
Click here to read the full report published by SHEcurity.
Women’s political leadership is important for ensuring that women’s perspectives and experiences are included in political decision-making. Over the past 25 years, the overall percentage of women in parliaments has more than doubled. However, the pace of progress has slowed in the past five years and women still make up less than a quarter of representatives in legislatures worldwide. Whilst theories that explore women’s political recruitment are well developed, we need more research on how women get selected. We need to know more about how they win positions as political representatives and how they adapt to the realities of political life.
This report focuses on women’s experience of candidate selection and elections and their experience of political leadership. It asks:
- How can women political leaders build their profile?
- What factors support and hinder women’s candidate selection and election success?
- How do women cope with, and adapt to, the realities of political leadership?
- How can programmes and policies effectively support women in political leadership roles?
Click here to read the report.