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Parliaments & Representatives

Nepal is heading to the polls in less than two years. Voters will choose their representatives for three tiers of government – the local, provincial, and federal – which will shape Nepal’s political course until the early 2030s. As the election timeline approaches, Nepal’s political scene is slowly heating up, with political parties forming fluid alliances, striving to reclaim lost ground, and rolling out fresh campaign tactics.

This may seem like a regular democratic exercise for the Himalayan nation, but beyond the political hubbub, a pressing challenge looms large. Elections in Nepal are becoming increasingly expensive with each passing cycle, thereby threatening inclusive democracy and raising concerns about the future of political participation.

Political campaigning in Nepal, like all other South Asian countries, requires massive financial resources. Candidates must mobilize cadres, organize rallies, conduct door-to-door campaigns, arrange for media coverage, and now also compete in the fast-expanding digital sphere. All of this comes at a heavy price. This rising campaign cost does more than financially strain party resources and that of the individuals contesting elections. It has rather profound consequences, limiting the political participation of women and underrepresented groups.

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Chișinău, 29 August 2025 - A new study by the Center Partnership for Development (CPD) shows that although women make up 44.5% of candidates in the 2025 parliamentary elections - almost achieving parity - this share has slightly decreased compared to the 2021 elections. The analysis confirms that compliance with the gender quota is essential to ensure such representation, as political parties take different approaches: some treat it as a formal obligation, while others regard it as a strategic objective. These findings provide important insights into the evolution of electoral competition.

The preliminary gender equality analysis of candidates, “2025 Parliamentary Elections: Analysis of an Electoral Competition”, was developed within the project “Strengthening Democratic Resilience in Moldova”, implemented by UNDP Moldova in partnership with UN Women Moldova and funded by Norway, Canada, Sweden, and Denmark.

Key findings of the study:

  • Although the numerical presence of women on candidate lists is relatively balanced, the analysis of their placement reveals certain fluctuations. In the first 10 positions - considered the most competitive and with the highest chances of securing a parliamentary mandate - women account for 40.7% of all candidates, while in the next decile (positions 11–20) their share slightly increases to 42%.
  • Although the gender quota is respected, men dominate the top positions on the lists, while women are concentrated in quintiles with lower chances of election.
  • Some parties limited themselves strictly to meeting the minimum mandatory quota, while others went beyond the legal requirements by including over 50% women among their candidates.
  • The average age of candidates running for parliamentary seats is higher than in previous elections. Parties tend to place older candidates in the top positions. In the first 10 positions, the average age is 50.5 years, while in the last 10 positions it drops to 39.1 years—a difference of over 11 years.
  • The detailed analysis shows that younger candidates are predominantly placed toward the end of the lists, where their chances of entering Parliament are lower.
  • Approximately 70% of candidates come from urban areas, with nearly half from Chișinău. More than half of the candidates (45.4%) are from Chișinău, while the next largest localities—Bălți, Ialoveni, Comrat, and Criuleni—each contribute less than 4%. The remaining districts provide very small fractions, mostly under 1% of the total. This urban concentration is explained by the greater resources available in cities, as well as the fact that rural populations are smaller and predominantly older.            

This product was developed within the project “Strengthening Democratic Resilience in Moldova”, implemented by UNDP Moldova in partnership with UN Women Moldova and funded by Norway, Canada, Sweden, and Denmark.

Full article here.

 

Youth engagement is key for a healthy democracy. Young people are the future generations that will lead our democracies. They are also often amongst the most disengaged people of our societies. It is therefore a democratic imperative that parliaments actively promote meaningful youth engagement, if we are to strengthen our democracies into sustainable political systems.

This Guide is aimed at parliamentary staff and Members of Parliament (MPs) who want to learn more about engaging young people in parliamentary business. We use a wide range of examples from parliaments across the world to indicate how to design, deliver and evaluate meaningful youth engagement activities. 

This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union as part of the Inter Pares I Parliaments in Partnership project, implemented by International IDEA. Its contents are the sole responsibility of International IDEA and the International Parliament Engagement Network (IPEN) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. 

Explore the full suite of Citizen Engagement Guides for actionable tips and inspiration to strengthen your parliament's engagement with the public on the Inter Pares page

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A recent study has confirmed that women in politics are subjected to a higher degree of attacks and abuse on social media platforms compared to their male counterparts. The research analysed millions of posts and also revealed that the language used against politicians in the UK is more abusive than in other countries. This incivility includes misogynistic and sexist comments, violent threats, and attempts to defame or humiliate, according to the Daily Mirror.

Key takeaways from the incident:

  • The study, which analyzed 23 million posts on X (formerly known as Twitter) aimed at politicians in the UK, Spain, Germany, and the US, found that women in Europe face online "incivility" regardless of their level of fame. This incivility includes hate speech, stereotypes, undermining or excluding a social group, threats, name-calling, casting aspersions, pejorative language, and sarcasm.
  • Research associate professor of politics at Newcastle University and lead researcher of the study, Maarja Lühiste, noted that female candidates often receive morality-focused insults like 'vile,' 'shame,' 'shameful,' 'disgraceful,' 'hypocrite,' and 'deluded.' They also receive more messages with personal attacks, including words like 'kill,' 'destroy,' and 'rape,' rather than simple swear words.
  • The study, published in Politics & Gender by Cambridge University Press, indicated that posts targeting Spanish and German politicians used fewer deliberately abusive words compared to those aimed at US and UK politicians. Lühiste explained that while both men and women politicians experience incivility, women in Europe receive uncivil tweets even when they are not well known.
  • Several female politicians in the UK have spoken out about their experiences with online abuse. In 2019, Heidi Allen cited “utterly dehumanising” abuse as a reason for stepping down as an MP. Nicky Morgan, former culture secretary, also stepped down as MP in 2019, noting the increased abuse due to online platforms and strong political feelings. Angela Rayner mentioned in 2023 that she barely reads online posts due to the abuse and believes female politicians experience it more often, aiming to silence them.

Giulia Fossati, a member of the centre-left Partito Democratico in Italy, shared her experiences of online harassment, noting that insults often combine digs at her gender and age. She said that she gets many comments, especially when she talks about feminist topics, citing examples like “go to the kitchen,” or “idiot shut up”.

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ROME – Italy’s Senate has unanimously passed a bill making femicide a standalone crime punishable by life imprisonment, marking a major shift in the country’s legal response to gender-based violence.

The measure, which still requires final approval in the lower house, is the most popular initiative of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government to date, according to recent polling.

Approved with 161 votes in favour, none against and no abstentions, the bill, initially criticised for vague language, defines femicide as an “act of discrimination or hatred toward the victim as a woman, or as a consequence of her refusal to enter or remain in a relationship, or to accept subjugation or restrictions on her individual freedoms due to her condition as a woman.”

The vote was followed by a rare 15-second standing ovation across party lines in what was an unusual show of unity. In 2024, 113 women were victims to femicide, of which 61 of them were killed by a partner or former partner.

Far-right Lega Senator and chair of parliament’s justice committee Giulia Bongiorno called it a “crucial intervention” that finally recognises the severity of gender-based killings.

Democratic Party Senator Anna Rossomando welcomed the bill but stressed the need for broader action. “The law alone won’t stop the violence. We need mandatory education on relationships and sexuality starting in primary school, and targeted training for educators,” she said.

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On Thursday, 10th July 2025, the House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution, in collaboration with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) and with support from the European Union in Nigeria, hosted a Legislative Dinner on advancing women’s political representation in Nigeria with women legislators from the State Houses of Assembly, representatives from the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and women groups.

The evening brought together lawmakers, government officials, civil society partners, and members of the diplomatic community to discuss the Special Seats Bill, a constitution alteration bill aimed at improving women’s representation in Nigeria’s legislature.

In his opening remarks, Clement Nwankwo, Executive Director of PLAC, described the proposed legislation as potentially the most important since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, highlighting its transformative potential for more inclusive governance. He also commended the efforts of the Deputy Speaker in driving the process of its passage forward.

Also speaking at the event, Ambassador Gautier Mignot, Head of the European Union Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, emphasized that the Special Seats Bill is not a favour to women but a critical step toward better governance for all Nigerians. He stated that the bill would mark a historic milestone for the country, underscoring the EU’s strong support for measures that promote equity and strengthen democratic institutions.

Full article published here.

 

Elections in 2020 were profoundly marked by the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in delays and cancellations, logistical challenges for candidates and election administrators and often low turnout. Women’s leadership was frequently in the spotlight during the pandemic. The pandemic raised complex and deeply gendered challenges for citizens and created obstacles for MPs to communicate and engage directly with their constituents. It changed the ways parliaments operate, introducing flexibility and new technologies. A substantial number of MPs across the globe were infected, many lost their lives.

Click here to access the report.

Source: IPU

Abstract

The Canadian and British Houses of Commons have both recently adopted formal rules to address the problem of sexual misconduct in their parliaments. Using Feminist Institutionalism, we examine how these rules have been constrained or enabled by parliamentary privilege in both countries. As a result of their divergent historical approaches to privilege, we argue that the British House of Commons’ new rules are better suited to address this issue relative to its Canadian counterpart. This outcome has differential consequences for women and minorities who are the most vulnerable to abuse in each parliament.

Click here to read the paper published by Oxford University Press.

This year’s report looks back at 25 years of women in parliament on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Beijing conference and its groundbreaking action plan for gender equality.

IPU analysis shows that gender parity is possible. The overall percentage of women in parliaments has reached 24.9 per cent in 2020, up from 11.3 per cent in 1995.  In four countries (Rwanda, Cuba, Bolivia and the United Arab Emirates) women now account for 50 per cent or more MPs in their lower or single chambers compared with 1995 when no parliament had reached gender parity.

The IPU has tracked women’s participation in parliament for decades, allowing it to monitor historical trends, progress and setbacks.

Click here to see the report.

In late 2018 and early 2019 UN Women interviewed 87 per cent of the women who ran for Parliamentary election (75 of the 86 women; of the 113 women who registered to run, 86 made it on to candidate lists). This report summarizes their stories and experiences as candidates and looks at issues of: violence against women in politics, financial constraints and campaign management, media and image portrayal, violence harassment and discrimination.

Click here to see the report.

This GSoD In Focus showcases global and regional data around trends in and the progression of gender equality, based on data from the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Indices. The GSoD Indices are International IDEA’s measurement of democracy for 158 countries between 1975 and 2017.

The political position of women today is better than just 20 years ago. Trends in the GSoD Indices Gender Equality subcomponent show improvement in gender equality in every region of the world. Women are in more positions of political power, are more represented in the political sphere, have higher access to education and less barriers to civil society participation. In 1997, only 3 per cent of countries had a lower chamber legislature made up of more than 30 per cent women; in 2017, this had risen to 28 per cent of countries. These gains should be celebrated, although much progress remains to be made before most countries have a critical minority of women in parliament. Furthermore, progress with women in ministerial positions is slower. Although gender equality is a necessary ingredient for a healthy democracy, some of the countries in the GSoD sample have a high proportion of women in political office coupled with low levels of democratic performance overall. While these countries are often hailed for their high levels of gender equality, these gains need to be analysed critically, as women’s political agency within regimes that have democratic deficits may be limited.

Click here to see the report.

This map is a unique visual tool that captures women’s participation in executive government and in parliament on a given date—1st January 2019. The map of Women in Politics not only provides a country ranking for both ministerial and parliamentary representation, but also statistics on women in political leadership positions—Heads of State or government, women Speakers of Parliament, as well as ministerial portfolios held by women throughout the world. Borders are depicted and used on the map in order to present data. They are not the expression of any opinion concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or concerning the delimitation of frontiers or boundaries.

Click here to download the map in English.