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Parliaments & Representatives

Women’s participation in politics has significantly increased over recent decades, with many countries introducing gender quotas, anti-discrimination laws, and policies aimed at protecting women’s rights. Despite these advances, women’s underrepresentation in politics remains a systemic issue and barriers to their full participation in political life are still significant. 

One of the most persistent obstacles growing at an alarming rate is the onslaught of sexism as well as violence against women in politics. These deter women from entering or remaining in politics and form a daunting barrier to achieving gender equality in political decision-making. Additionally, new and emerging threats, including technology-facilitated violence, are deepening existing inequalities and silencing women, including in political spaces and public debates, further weakening democratic discourse and inclusive governance.

The 2025 Annual Conference of the Gender Equality Commission of the Council of Europe addresses the pressing issue of violence and sexism against women in politics. We are focusing on combating these challenges within political parties and institutions.

From navigating backlash and countering violence, to addressing structural inequalities and the role of political institutions, the 2025 Annual Conference explores the ups and downs of women’s equal participation with a broad range of international experts. 

Full article here.

 

Nepal is heading to the polls in less than two years. Voters will choose their representatives for three tiers of government – the local, provincial, and federal – which will shape Nepal’s political course until the early 2030s. As the election timeline approaches, Nepal’s political scene is slowly heating up, with political parties forming fluid alliances, striving to reclaim lost ground, and rolling out fresh campaign tactics.

This may seem like a regular democratic exercise for the Himalayan nation, but beyond the political hubbub, a pressing challenge looms large. Elections in Nepal are becoming increasingly expensive with each passing cycle, thereby threatening inclusive democracy and raising concerns about the future of political participation.

Political campaigning in Nepal, like all other South Asian countries, requires massive financial resources. Candidates must mobilize cadres, organize rallies, conduct door-to-door campaigns, arrange for media coverage, and now also compete in the fast-expanding digital sphere. All of this comes at a heavy price. This rising campaign cost does more than financially strain party resources and that of the individuals contesting elections. It has rather profound consequences, limiting the political participation of women and underrepresented groups.

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Chișinău, 29 August 2025 - A new study by the Center Partnership for Development (CPD) shows that although women make up 44.5% of candidates in the 2025 parliamentary elections - almost achieving parity - this share has slightly decreased compared to the 2021 elections. The analysis confirms that compliance with the gender quota is essential to ensure such representation, as political parties take different approaches: some treat it as a formal obligation, while others regard it as a strategic objective. These findings provide important insights into the evolution of electoral competition.

The preliminary gender equality analysis of candidates, “2025 Parliamentary Elections: Analysis of an Electoral Competition”, was developed within the project “Strengthening Democratic Resilience in Moldova”, implemented by UNDP Moldova in partnership with UN Women Moldova and funded by Norway, Canada, Sweden, and Denmark.

Key findings of the study:

  • Although the numerical presence of women on candidate lists is relatively balanced, the analysis of their placement reveals certain fluctuations. In the first 10 positions - considered the most competitive and with the highest chances of securing a parliamentary mandate - women account for 40.7% of all candidates, while in the next decile (positions 11–20) their share slightly increases to 42%.
  • Although the gender quota is respected, men dominate the top positions on the lists, while women are concentrated in quintiles with lower chances of election.
  • Some parties limited themselves strictly to meeting the minimum mandatory quota, while others went beyond the legal requirements by including over 50% women among their candidates.
  • The average age of candidates running for parliamentary seats is higher than in previous elections. Parties tend to place older candidates in the top positions. In the first 10 positions, the average age is 50.5 years, while in the last 10 positions it drops to 39.1 years—a difference of over 11 years.
  • The detailed analysis shows that younger candidates are predominantly placed toward the end of the lists, where their chances of entering Parliament are lower.
  • Approximately 70% of candidates come from urban areas, with nearly half from Chișinău. More than half of the candidates (45.4%) are from Chișinău, while the next largest localities—Bălți, Ialoveni, Comrat, and Criuleni—each contribute less than 4%. The remaining districts provide very small fractions, mostly under 1% of the total. This urban concentration is explained by the greater resources available in cities, as well as the fact that rural populations are smaller and predominantly older.            

This product was developed within the project “Strengthening Democratic Resilience in Moldova”, implemented by UNDP Moldova in partnership with UN Women Moldova and funded by Norway, Canada, Sweden, and Denmark.

Full article here.

 

Youth engagement is key for a healthy democracy. Young people are the future generations that will lead our democracies. They are also often amongst the most disengaged people of our societies. It is therefore a democratic imperative that parliaments actively promote meaningful youth engagement, if we are to strengthen our democracies into sustainable political systems.

This Guide is aimed at parliamentary staff and Members of Parliament (MPs) who want to learn more about engaging young people in parliamentary business. We use a wide range of examples from parliaments across the world to indicate how to design, deliver and evaluate meaningful youth engagement activities. 

This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union as part of the Inter Pares I Parliaments in Partnership project, implemented by International IDEA. Its contents are the sole responsibility of International IDEA and the International Parliament Engagement Network (IPEN) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. 

Explore the full suite of Citizen Engagement Guides for actionable tips and inspiration to strengthen your parliament's engagement with the public on the Inter Pares page

Read more here.

 

A recent study has confirmed that women in politics are subjected to a higher degree of attacks and abuse on social media platforms compared to their male counterparts. The research analysed millions of posts and also revealed that the language used against politicians in the UK is more abusive than in other countries. This incivility includes misogynistic and sexist comments, violent threats, and attempts to defame or humiliate, according to the Daily Mirror.

Key takeaways from the incident:

  • The study, which analyzed 23 million posts on X (formerly known as Twitter) aimed at politicians in the UK, Spain, Germany, and the US, found that women in Europe face online "incivility" regardless of their level of fame. This incivility includes hate speech, stereotypes, undermining or excluding a social group, threats, name-calling, casting aspersions, pejorative language, and sarcasm.
  • Research associate professor of politics at Newcastle University and lead researcher of the study, Maarja Lühiste, noted that female candidates often receive morality-focused insults like 'vile,' 'shame,' 'shameful,' 'disgraceful,' 'hypocrite,' and 'deluded.' They also receive more messages with personal attacks, including words like 'kill,' 'destroy,' and 'rape,' rather than simple swear words.
  • The study, published in Politics & Gender by Cambridge University Press, indicated that posts targeting Spanish and German politicians used fewer deliberately abusive words compared to those aimed at US and UK politicians. Lühiste explained that while both men and women politicians experience incivility, women in Europe receive uncivil tweets even when they are not well known.
  • Several female politicians in the UK have spoken out about their experiences with online abuse. In 2019, Heidi Allen cited “utterly dehumanising” abuse as a reason for stepping down as an MP. Nicky Morgan, former culture secretary, also stepped down as MP in 2019, noting the increased abuse due to online platforms and strong political feelings. Angela Rayner mentioned in 2023 that she barely reads online posts due to the abuse and believes female politicians experience it more often, aiming to silence them.

Giulia Fossati, a member of the centre-left Partito Democratico in Italy, shared her experiences of online harassment, noting that insults often combine digs at her gender and age. She said that she gets many comments, especially when she talks about feminist topics, citing examples like “go to the kitchen,” or “idiot shut up”.

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ROME – Italy’s Senate has unanimously passed a bill making femicide a standalone crime punishable by life imprisonment, marking a major shift in the country’s legal response to gender-based violence.

The measure, which still requires final approval in the lower house, is the most popular initiative of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government to date, according to recent polling.

Approved with 161 votes in favour, none against and no abstentions, the bill, initially criticised for vague language, defines femicide as an “act of discrimination or hatred toward the victim as a woman, or as a consequence of her refusal to enter or remain in a relationship, or to accept subjugation or restrictions on her individual freedoms due to her condition as a woman.”

The vote was followed by a rare 15-second standing ovation across party lines in what was an unusual show of unity. In 2024, 113 women were victims to femicide, of which 61 of them were killed by a partner or former partner.

Far-right Lega Senator and chair of parliament’s justice committee Giulia Bongiorno called it a “crucial intervention” that finally recognises the severity of gender-based killings.

Democratic Party Senator Anna Rossomando welcomed the bill but stressed the need for broader action. “The law alone won’t stop the violence. We need mandatory education on relationships and sexuality starting in primary school, and targeted training for educators,” she said.

Read more.

 

Caribbean countries face complex development challenges shaped by socio-political, economic and environmental factors. These are experienced differently by women and men due to gender inequalities that intersect with variables like class, age, race and disability. Parliaments are responsible for ensuring that citizen interests are widely represented and for developing and monitoring policies. This includes policies to meet commitments like the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. To fulfill their roles of oversight, representation and lawmaking, parliamentarians require analytical tools that account for gender and other inequalities.

This portal features toolkits that unpack the gender dimensions of development challenges related to climate change, economic and political inequality, and violence. It includes videos, checklists, policy briefings, infographs and campaign ideas to assist you in scrutinizing laws and budgets, promoting women's leadership, and engaging your constituents to achieve development outcomes that are equitable and sustainable.

This portal is a joint initiative of ParlAmericas and the UN Women Multi-Country Office - Caribbean. It is designed for self-guided online learning and additionally includes resources that can be used for in-person trainings. It features toolkits on gender equality issues developed for parliamentarians in the Caribbean.

Click here to visit the portal. 

Journeys from Exclusion to Inclusion: Marginalized Women’s Successes in Overcoming Political Exclusion identifies critical factors preventing marginalized women’s inclusion in customary and democratic decision-making structures and describes how women have worked in overcoming barriers to their participation.

The report’s ten case studies gather knowledge and practical experience from around the world, drawing upon reform efforts to identify ways in which women can impact on political processes through their participation in politics. The report details specific strategies marginalized women and their supporters have adopted, ranging from direct action strategies in Somaliland to ‘soft’ advocacy strategies in Cambodia.

Gender quotas aim to increase women’s parliamentary representation. However, the effectiveness of quotas varies. This article explores this issue further by examining the case of Poland, where gender quotas were introduced in 2011. The Polish case presents an interesting puzzle. Although the overall number of women candidates increased almost twofold in comparison with the pre-quota period, this translated into only a slight increase in the number of women deputies in 2011 and 2015. Hence, the impact of quotas was limited. However, the partisan analysis shows that there was a significant variation among individual parties: whereas some parties promoted wholeheartedly women’s access to political office, other parties did not facilitate it. By drawing on rational choice institutionalism, this article shows that institutions and preferences of political parties matter for the effectiveness of gender quotas. In the case of ineffective gender quota policy, political parties have a final say in women’s parliamentary representation.

Click here to access the paper. 

A new generation of young women is ready and willing to participate in politics.

The UK general election in June 2017 saw a rise in voter turnout among 18- to 24-year-old women, with participation up from 44 to 53 per cent compared with the 2015 general election. However, so far there is little evidence to suggest that this will translate into higher levels of party membership and political representation among women. Despite making up half of the population and voting in the same numbers as men, on average only 34 per cent of women are a member of a political party, typically the first step into participating into local politics.

This is the first in a ‘pattern of thirds’, which runs through candidate selection and election, and then thins out dramatically at the top of local government, with women entirely absent among directly elected mayors and representing just 4% of the leadership of England’s new devolved institutions – the combined authorities.

This report argues that political parties and institutions must seize the recent increase in voter turnout  among young women to dramatically increase the numbers of women going into local politics. This must be complemented by a series of radical reforms to improve the pipeline of women rising to the top in local politics, and to correct the absence of women at the top of combined authorities.

Click here to access the report. 

 

Throughout this report, the authors offer a look at the unique strengths that women bring to policymaking and their impact on government is examined. They start by examining women’s representation in government, highlighting the underrepresentation of women both in the Pennsylvania state legislature and national offices. The link between women’s representation and state policy is articulated, and areas of concern are addressed. Sponsorship, bipartisanship, collaboration, and legislative success are each explored. They address questions specific to the role of gender in patterns of bill sponsorship in the Pennsylvania General Assembly by drawing on bill sponsorship data from Pennsylvania’s 2013- 2014 legislative term, as well as insights from women who served in the General Assembly at that time.

Click here to access the report. 

This collection of essays addresses the glaring gap between policy commitments and actual investments in gender equality, ranging across sectors and focusing on development aid, peace-building and climate funds. Casting a spotlight on the application of gender-responsive budgeting in public budgetary policies, systems and processes, the contributions to this volume explore the chequered trajectories of these efforts in Africa, the Asia-Pacific, Latin America and Andalucía. Critiquing systems of finance, from adherence to neo-liberal macroeconomic fundamentals which prioritise fiscal austerity, the book makes a compelling case for reframing and re-prioritizing budgets to comply with human rights standards, with a particular view to realizing women’s rights. The authors highlight the paltry funding for women’s rights organizations and movements and examine the prospects for making financing gender responsive. The specific policy, strategy and technical recommendations and the connections across silos which articulate the authors’ suggested operational levers will appeal to researchers, practitioners, students, policymakers, gender equality and human rights activists alike.

Click here to access the book.