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Women from minority ethnic and religious groups in Sri Lanka continue to be systematically discriminated against and marginalized in mainstream politics, new research shows.
Quotas for women’s representation have not enabled enough minority women to enter politics; just 3 minority women sit in Parliament among 22 women – less than 2 per cent of all MPs, despite majority women’s representation having improved. Only 11 minority women have ever been elected.
‘Minority women in politics are not just underrepresented — they are systematically excluded. Though determined to represent their communities, they are shut out by cultural, religious, language and patriarchal barriers from their own communities and all political parties’, said lead author Dr Farah Mihlar of the Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University.
The report finds that the quotas have not circumvented the specific obstacles faced by minority women, such as tokenistic nominations, exclusion from leadership and limited access to financial resources and networks. A crucial finding is that minority women unanimously identified their own community as presenting the greatest obstruction to their political careers.
Tekan Cochrane is an Australian Indigenous lawyer with Kooma, Yuwaalaraay and Torres Strait Islander heritage, as well as diverse European heritage. Raised on a farm in central Queensland, away from major population centres, and the first in her family to attend university, Tekan’s work is grounded in lived experience, community accountability, and a deep commitment to justice and systemic reform.
In 2025, Tekan was a finalist for the Australian Human Rights Commission’s Law Award, selected from more than 100 national nominations and recognised for her work supporting First Nations peoples and individuals in disadvantaged and marginalised communities.
Tekan is the Executive Officer of Tarwirri Indigenous Law Association of Victoria, a not-for-profit membership organisation representing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander legal professionals, graduates and students. Tarwirri is funded through the Victorian Aboriginal Justice Agreement due to the strong need for more Indigenous lawyers in Australia.
What happens to citizens’ perceptions of political decisions when legislatures achieve gender balance through quotas, policies that require parties to include women as candidates? Critics have long argued that mandating women’s presence casts doubt on elected officials’ qualifications and erodes the legitimacy of the decisions they make. Examining public attitudes across 12 democracies, Amanda Clayton, Diana O’Brien, and Jennifer Piscopo find the opposite. Citizens strongly prefer gender-balanced decision-making bodies, and this preference holds even when balance is achieved through quotas. The real threat to democratic legitimacy, they argue, is not affirmative action but the continued exclusion of women from political power.
Politics has long been viewed as a male-dominated arena, with only a handful of women daring to venture into it.
Even then, women politicians often face dismissal, branded as mere “flower girls” for party leaders.
In Kenya, where politics has historically been associated with aggression and at times violence; the challenge is even greater.
For women with disabilities, the barriers are multiplied.
A fight beyond the ballot
In Mombasa, Hamisa Zaja has twice vied for the Woman Representative seat in 2017 and 2022 without success. Yet she insists she is not giving up.
Hamisa, who has a physical disability and is the founder of Coast Association of Persons with Disability, says the political space is far from welcoming for women like her.
When the public turns hostile: Political violence against parliamentarians reveals that members of parliament (MPs) are facing a worrying rise in intimidation and harassment from the public. The report draws on a broad survey of 519 MPs globally and case studies focused on five countries: Argentina, Benin, Italy, Malaysia and the Netherlands, to reflect diverse political and regional contexts.
The GQUAL Ranking, released annually, is one of our most powerful advocacy tools. It tracks data from 145 countries whose nationals serve in international bodies and mechanisms tied to the development of international law and justice and disaggregates this information by gender and geographical representation.
The three rankings we produce offer valuable insights into trends in the nomination practices of States and United Nations Regional Groups, as well as into representation records. Together, the Rankings provide a global and regional overview of women’s representation in international bodies at a given point in time, grounded in systematically collected, gender-disaggregated data.
This type of data is essential to advancing gender parity in international decision-making spaces, as it makes visible patterns of inclusion and exclusion that would otherwise remain obscured. The dataset allows for a clearer understanding of where women are being nominated and appointed, which bodies are performing better, and which countries are conducting nomination processes that take gender parity into account. This is critical to shedding light on one of the main obstacles to women’s equal participation in international decision-making: the lack of transparency and the limited consideration of gender parity in nomination and international appointment processes. States rarely track or make public their nomination records, and the information available through international bodies is often fragmented, incomplete, or difficult to access.
The GQUAL Ranking responds to this structural gap by providing the only comprehensive, publicly accessible tool that consolidates this information in a systematic and comparable manner. Its consistent application over the past 9 years makes it possible to identify patterns and trends over time, offering an evidence-based foundation to assess progress, stagnation, or regression in States’ approaches to gender parity in international appointments.