Skip to main content

Women's Leadership

The political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir presents a unique set of challenges for women’s empowerment. Historically, the representation of women in political roles in the region has been limited. Before the 1972 elections, political arenas were predominantly male dominated, with no female candidates successfully securing seats. The 1972 elections marked the beginning of female political participation, though the success rate of female candidates remained minimal. Subsequent elections, including those in 1977, saw a slight increase in female candidates, but their success remained low. The 1983 elections showed a marginal rise in female candidates, yet their representation was still limited.

By 2002, women occupied just 8 per cent of the seats in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly, highlighting only modest progress. The year 2011 saw a rise in female candidates for panchayats, but women’s representation in higher positions, such as sarpanchs, remains limited. The 2011 Panchayati Raj Act mandated the reservation of one-third of seats for women in panchayats leading to a notable increase in female panches. However, women’s representation in higher positions like sarpanchs remains limited. [...]

Cultural norms and traditional gender roles

Cultural norms and traditional gender roles significantly influence women’s political participation in Jammu and Kashmir. Traditional roles often confine women to domestic responsibilities, restricting their time and energy for political activities. A 2023 study by the Centre for Social Research found that societal expectations still place women in secondary roles, with many feeling that politics is not an appropriate field for them. The perception of politics as a corrupt and dangerous sphere further discourages women from participating, as revealed by a 2019 survey by the Jammu and Kashmir State Election Commission, where 60 per cent of women voters expressed disillusionment with the political process due to corruption and violence. Societal attitudes favouring male leadership contribute to women’s underrepresentation, with traditional norms often hindering their electoral success. Despite an increase in female candidates in the 2011 Panchayat elections, women remain significantly underrepresented in leadership positions.

Read here the full article published by the First Post on 5 September 2024.

Image credits: First Post

 

In a statement issued on Thursday, August 29, 2024, the Minister for Gender, Children, and Social Protection, Dakoa Newman, expressed concern over the persistent harassment, discrimination, and violence directed at female politicians, candidates, and activists.

The Ministry noted that recent reports indicate that women in politics are subjected to high levels of verbal abuse, threats, and cyberbullying, impacting both their personal lives and professional reputations.

This hostile environment, she noted, discourages many women from engaging in public service.

The Ministry emphasised that despite the principle of equal representation requiring the participation of both men and women in decision-making processes, women remain underrepresented in Ghana’s political and economic sectors.

'In 2012, only 30 out of 275 Members of Parliament (MPs) were women, representing 10.9%. The 2016 elections saw this figure rise to 36 women MPs (13.1%), and the elections recorded 40 female MPs (14.5%)''. The ministry in a statement added.

''As a leading advocate for social justice and gender equality, the Ministry is committed to advancing practices and policies that are inclusive, through public education, advocacy and research.''

Read here the full article published by Graphic Online on 5 September 2024.

Credits: Graphic Online

 

The struggle for gender parity in politics is far from over, but this week I felt a surge of hope for the future. This optimism stems not only from the increasing prominence of women in political leadership, exemplified by the potential for a woman to win the 2024 presidential election but also from a powerful gathering I attended on Tuesday.

Organized by RepresentWomen and Vote Run Lead, the luncheon was held as an ancillary event to the Democratic National Convention. "Women are the Winning Strategy: Solutions from the States" featured influential speakers such as Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) and policy advocate Maya Harris, along with women leaders from across the country.

The gathering not only highlighted the critical role of women in shaping the political landscape but also provided a fertile ground for fostering female leadership and activism.

A shared mission

RepresentWomen and Vote Run Lead are united in their commitment to dismantling the barriers that have historically hindered women's participation in politics.

RepresentWomen focuses on structural reforms, including ranked-choice voting and gender quotas, aiming to create a political environment where women can thrive. Vote Run Lead complements this mission by offering training and resources to women aspiring to run for office, equipping them with the skills needed to navigate and succeed in political campaigns.

The synergy between these two organizations is a powerful force in the movement for gender parity. RepresentWomen tackles the systemic issues that keep women out of politics, while Vote Run Lead empowers individual women to step into the political arena with confidence and competence. Together, they are not just advocating for change — they are actively creating it.

Read here the full article published by The Fulcrum on 23 August 2024.

Image by The Fulcrum

 

Women aspiring to contest for various political seats in the country have been advised to shadow leaders holding similar positions for mentorship.

Suba North MP Millie Odhiambo said this will protect them from campaigns and election shocks.

“You need to follow and closely watch an MP or a person holding a similar position you want to vie for. If you want to go for governorship, shadow a governor and if you want to contest for MCA, shadow an MCA,” she said.

Odhiambo spoke on the sidelines of an intergenerational women mentorship workshop in Machakos county on Friday.

“I say this because we have over-glamourised politics in Kenya. Politics is a selfless service,” Odhiambo said.

The capacity building forum was organised by Forum for African Women Educationists.

Odhiambo, who was accompanied by Dagoretti North MP, Beatrice Elachi and nominated MP Irene Mayaka, mentored 30 women on leadership skills.

Nominated senators Beth Syengo and Crystal Asige also spoke to the women.

Read here the full article published by The Star Kenya on 18 August 2024.

Image by The Star Kenya

 

Last month several women rose to the top echelons of international politics. Kamala Harris emerged as the lead presidential candidate of the U.S. Democratic Party, Ursula von der Leyen was elected to serve a second term as president of the European Commission, Kaja Kallas was appointed foreign policy chief of the European Union (EU), and Rachel Reeves became Britain’s first female chancellor.

And yet feminists, while generally pleased, were not particularly jubilant. Every success counts, they say, particularly if Harris becomes the U.S. president and acquires the most influential political office in the world. But there’s little reason to think that the arrival of a few women in top positions will change how international affairs are conducted in a male-dominated world.

According to the United Nations (U.N.), at the current rate it will take nearly a century and a half to achieve gender equality in the highest positions of power and almost four more decades to achieve gender parity in national legislative bodies. There are simply not enough women in top jobs to give the concerted, collected push needed to implement a feminist foreign policy and usher in the radically different global order that feminist intellectuals desire.

Read here the full article published by Foreign Policy on 12 August 2024.

Image by Foreign Policy

 

The Reykjavik Index for Leadership measures how people feel about women in leadership. It measures the perceived legitimacy of male and female leadership in politics and across twenty professions, as well as a measure of how men and women differ in their views, and the extent to which men and women are viewed equally in terms of suitability of individuals for positions of power.

The Index evaluates the G7 groups of nations, surveying the attitudes of more than 10,000 people.

Click here to see the report.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at politically active women. The United Nations General Assembly first called for zero tolerance for violence against female candidates and elected officials in Resolution 66/130 in 2011. In 2012, Bolivia became the first country in the world to criminalize political violence and harassment against women, in response to a more than decade-long campaign by locally elected women to document the numerous injuries and abuses they confronted. Resonating across the region, this development led the states parties to the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women to endorse a Declaration on Political Violence and Harassment against Women in 2015.

Click here to see the academic article.

Latin America has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in politics (VAWIP). In 2012, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women” with Law 243. Soon, Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and Mexico followed with similar proposals (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016). Despite high levels of criminal impunity (Piscopo 2016), legislative measures have been the preferred strategy to combat VAWIP within the region. The Inter-American Commission on Women (CIM) recently published a model law, drawing on experiences in Bolivia, to serve as inspiration for other legislative measures in the region. What can these legislative definitions tell us about the phenomenon of VAWIP, its limits, and its challenges?

Click here to see the academic article.

Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a human rights violation, as it prevents the realization of political rights. Violence against women in political and public life can be understood as “any act or threat of gender-based violence, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering to women, that prevents them from exercising and realizing their political rights, whether in public or private spaces, including the right to vote and hold public office, to vote in secret and to freely campaign, to associate and assemble, and to enjoy freedom of opinion and expression” (UN Women/UNDP 2017, 20).

Although awareness of the gravity and increasing levels of VAWP is growing, the issue is a relatively new area of investigation, with no global statistics or measurements available on prevalence or incidence, a lack of commonly agreed definitions and indicators, a reliance on anecdotal evidence, and underreporting because of the stigma attached to genderbased violence in many societies. The absence of commonly agreed definitions and methodologies for measuring VAWP is a barrier to the advancement of research, monitoring, and policy and programming responses in this field. Are agreed indicators and methodologies for measuring VAWP necessary? How can consistency across different measurement approaches be ensured? This essay examines the extent to which VAWP is measured, identifying gaps in current violence against women (VAW) measurements and considering new opportunities for measuring and monitoring VAWP.

Click here to see the academic article.

Four years ago, Latin America was home to a third of the world’s female presidents. Today, it has none. But that doesn’t mean the region hasn’t made progress in advancing women’s role in the political sphere. In fact, as of the inauguration of Colombia’s new administration on August 7, there are more female vice presidents—in 12 different countries—in the hemisphere than ever before.

Latin America is also moving ahead when it comes to balancing the male-to-female ratio in legislative branches. The Inter-Parliamentary Union’s last update on June 1, registered that 28.9 percent of all congressional seats in the region were occupied by women, an increase of 3.7 percent since January 2014, and 5.1 percent above today’s global average. When Mexico’s new Congress is inaugurated on September 1, Latin America will be home to three of the four countries with the greatest proportion of congresswomen.

Click here to see the full Infographic.

Two years after Hillary Clinton became the first woman to win the presidential nomination of a major U.S. political party, and with a record number of women running for Congress in 2018, a majority of Americans say they would like to see more women in top leadership positions – not only in politics, but also in the corporate world – according to a new Pew Research Center survey. But most say men still have an easier path to the top and that women have to do more to prove their worth. And the public is skeptical that the country will ever achieve gender parity in politics or in business.

Republicans and Democrats have widely different views about where things stand today and what factors are holding women back. Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are more than twice as likely as Republicans and those who lean Republican to say there are too few women in high political offices (79% vs. 33%). And while 64% of Democrats say gender discrimination is a major reason why women are underrepresented in these positions, only 30% of Republicans agree.

There are also wide gender gaps in views about women in leadership. About seven-in-ten women say there are too few women in high political offices and in top executive business positions; about half of men say the same.

Click here to see the report.