Women's Leadership
South Sudan UN Women Country Representative Rukaiya Mohammed has underscored the importance of dialogue in empowering women.
Mohammed expressed the sentiments during the three-day inter-generational dialogue on women’s leadership and political participation from East Africa.
The workshop held in Juba created a platform on breaking barriers for women in leadership.
“The transition period has been extended for two years, so we say women should not sleep. We should strategize and take advantage of the momentum,” Mohammed said.
“We said the young can walk fast, but the elderly know the road. It is vital for young women to harness the wisdom of the elders, while the elders should value the creativity and energy of the youth,” she added.
The dialogue included members of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) from Kenya, Rwanda, and South Sudan, local MPs, and representatives from civil society organizations (CSOs).
Read here the full article published by Radio Tamazuj on 16 November 2024.
Image by Radio Tamazuj
In this final episode of Season 1, we reflect upon what women political leaders in South Asia have told us about their career journeys with our guests. We delve into bringing role models closer to youth, especially young women aspiring to be in politics.
Listen here to the full podcast posted by the Centre for Gender And Politics South Asia on 11 November 2024.
Despite some progress over the past decade, women's representation in political leadership remains limited globally. As of 1 January 2024, only 27 out of 159 countries are led by women – a modest increase from just 18 countries a decade ago (United Nations Women Headquarters Office 2024). Women represent 23% of cabinet members heading ministries worldwide in 2024; in Europe and Northern America, this share is 33%.
On the one hand, these numbers hint at the long road ahead to reach the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal of gender equality (SDG 5), which aims to ensure equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic, and public life (United Nations 2015). On the other hand, they underscore the need to understand to what extent the underrepresentation of women politicians matters for policy choices, especially in times of crises.
Read here the full article published by the Centre for Economic Policy Research on 12 November 2024.
Image by Centre for Economic Policy Research
To many left-leaning Americans, it is resoundingly clear that women who backed Donald J. Trump in the presidential election voted against their own self-interest.
Liberal women, in particular, have spent recent days practically stunned, stewing over how other women could have rejected Kamala Harris, who would have been the first woman to lead the nation in its nearly 250-year history. Instead, they chose a candidate who spews misogyny seemingly with glee. For the second time.
One voter from Maine, interviewed after Mr. Trump declared victory, offered a takeaway shared by many. As she put it, “The sisterhood did not stand up.”
In many ways the election results seemed to contradict generations of progress made toward women’s equality and for feminism generally. Women have made strides in nearly every facet of American life in recent decades, generally making up a greater proportion of the U.S. work force than in the past, taking on high-paying jobs and outpacing men in higher education — though they remain underrepresented at the top levels of both business and government.
They now find themselves in a country where Mr. Trump won decisively with a campaign that pitted men against women, sitting down with podcasters who trade in sexism and choosing a running mate who had criticized single women as “childless cat ladies.” Mr. Trump took credit for appointing the Supreme Court justices who overturned the constitutional right to abortion but appeared to pay little price at the polls. Immediately after the election social media posts were circulating by men that read, “your body, my choice.”
Read here the full article published by The New York Times on 12 November 2024.
Image by The New York Times
In elections across the globe, the spotlight has been trained on the question of women’s representation, and rightly so. How vibrant can a democracy be if half of its population does not find adequate representation in politics or in the corridors of power? Which is why, when Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee for the US presidential election, it was welcomed by those who thought it was high time that a woman — especially a woman of colour — held its highest office. Her campaign and the possibility of her victory was seen as symbolising the maturity of American democracy and an acknowledgment of its diversity.
As it turned out, a large number of African Americans, especially young men, and White women voted en-masse for Donald Trump. There are many reasons for this, but one is that mere symbolic gestures are not enough to win voters’ support. India has seen this happen in recent elections in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Telangana and Haryana. We are seeing the end of vote-bank politics and the emergence of value-based voting. In India, women across the political spectrum have marched beyond mere symbolism and metaphors. Women have become game changers, shaping electoral politics and defining electoral gains. They have transitioned from descriptive political representation to substantive political presence, and with women-centric policies, like Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana, Beti Bachao Beti Padhao and Jan Dhan Yojana, we have seen women becoming changemakers in policy formulation. The outcome of such politics promises a brighter tomorrow by making women more skilled, employable and empowered.
Read here the full article published by the Indian Express on 12 November 2024.
Image by Indian Express
Gender quotas have become an important mechanism for promoting gender equality in political representation. This blog post explores their impact on women’s political empowerment, particularly in Malta, by discussing the historical context, current situation, and future prospects for gender equality in Maltese politics.
Understanding Gender Quotas
Gender quotas are affirmative measures designed to increase women’s participation in politics by reserving a certain proportion of seats for them. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), the goal is to provide a clearer pathway for women to enter political leadership, as they have historically been underrepresented. This is particularly relevant in Malta, where, despite advancements in other areas of gender equality, political representation remains unequal.
A Historical Overview of Women’s Political Participation in Malta
Women’s political participation in Malta has a long history, tied to the broader socio-political developments of the nation. Women were first granted the right to vote and run for office in 1947, preceding Maltese men who received this right three years later. However, significant measures aimed at improving female political representation only came in the 21st century. The Gender Corrective Mechanism, introduced in 2021, was a landmark policy. It mandates an increase in parliamentary seats if female representation falls below 40%, ensuring that women have a stronger foothold in Maltese politics.
Read here the full article published by Gender On The Ballot on 11 November 2024.
Image by Gender On The Ballot
This Discussion Paper puts together relevant data on the inclusion of young people and women in European Parliament elections.
It is focused on two pitfalls of EU electoral democracy: voter absenteeism on the part of young people, and the under-representation of women in the European Parliament. Data have been combined from the European Election Studies (EES), the European Parliament, the Gender Statistics Database of the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), face-to-face and telephone interviews, and semi-structured questionnaires. Additionally, policy papers and other relevant texts (authored by organizations dedicated to young people, women and think tanks, as well as Europarties and groups in the European Parliament) have been considered. The scope of the paper is European, although data at a national level from France, Poland and Spain (a founding EU country, an Eastern European country and a Southern European country) are introduced in different sections to shed light on national differences. With the purpose of enriching and making EU electoral democracy stronger, the author presents, as food for thought, some evidence on key elements to foster participation in European Parliament elections, as well as to reach a more balanced composition of the European Parliament in terms of age and gender.
Click here to see the academic article.
Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant barrier to women’s political participation, following a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at female politicians. Yet conceptual ambiguities remain as to the exact contours of this phenomenon. In this article, they seek to strengthen its theoretical, empirical, and methodological foundations. The article proposes that the presence of bias against women in political roles—originating in structural violence, employing cultural violence, and resulting in symbolic violence—distinguishes this phenomenon from other forms of political violence. The authors, Mona Lena Krook and Juliana Restrepo Sanín identify five types of violence against women in politics—physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and semiotic—and three methodological challenges related to underreporting, comparing men’s and women’s experiences, and intersectionality. Inspired by the literature on hate crimes, we develop an empirical approach for identifying cases of violence against women in politics, offering six criteria to ascertain whether an attack was potentially motivated by gender bias. They apply this framework to analyze three cases: the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, and the murder of Jo Cox. They conclude with the negative implications of violence against women in politics and point to emerging solutions around the globe.
Click here to see the academic article.
Inclusive decision-making is necessary in terms of both legitimacy and good policy outcomes. Recognizing this, closing persistent gender gaps in public life has emerged as a critical policy issue as countries increase their efforts to foster inclusive growth and build trust and confidence in public institutions while working towards the SDGs. The public administration determines the manner in which political and economic decisions are implemented and how budgets are planned and spent. Additionally, it is a primary employer for women in many developing countries – particularly in the Arab world. In some countries, women have in fact surpassed parity in terms of public administration employment but still lag far behind the 30% target in leadership positions. Balanced total employment among women and men is important but it is equally important to have women dispersed throughout all the different sectors of administrative governance, as well as equitably represented in all levels of decision-making. Women tend to outnumber men in general positions and decrease significantly in number further up the grade ladder. In addition to the glass ceiling that women face in the public sector, there also appears to be a strong trend of horizontal profiling: "glass walls". Women in the public sector are primarily involved in the traditionally feminized sectors of health, education and social services and almost absent from other sectors such as security and foreign affairs. The status quo represents a challenge to achieving SDGs 5, 8 and 16 and the biggest impediment to adjusting the situation is the absence of relevant data. This paper will examine the gender gap in the public administrations of Arab countries; analyze trends and policy with the ultimate aim of contributing to the development of tracking mechanisms for gender equality in the public administration.
Click here to see the academic article.
The goal of the survey consists in analyzing perceptions and experiences of civil servants in central administration with regard to the level of corruption, its forms, transparency of the decision-making process and impact of these phenomena on the career development practices among men and women.
Click here to see the survey.
Women and girls with disabilities, who make up almost one-fifth of the world’s population of women, face significant barriers to accessing justice, due to discrimination on the basis of both gender and disability, accessibility barriers to the justice system, and lack of reasonable accommodations throughout judicial proceedings. Compared to both men with disabilities and women without disabilities, women with disabilities are disproportionately excluded from legal protection and are more likely to have their credibility questioned, owing to harmful gender and disability stereotypes. Women with disabilities also encounter barriers to attaining positions as lawyers, judges, and other officials in the justice system, and may be excluded from serving on juries. Such barriers not only limit the ability of women with disabilities to use the justice system, but also limit their ability to contribute to the administration of justice to society as a whole. Access to justice is interdependent with a number of fundamental rights. Effective access to justice is essential for challenging human rights violations, such as discrimination in employment or deprivation of parental rights. Lack of access to justice can reinforce vulnerability to rights violations, particularly where perpetrators may feel emboldened when they know the justice system is unlikely to respond to complaints by women with disabilities. Access to justice also depends on the fulfilment of other rights—realization of the right to accessibility, for instance, will often determine whether women with disabilities have effective access to the justice system.
Click here to see the factsheet.
By Ruth Igielnik and Kim Parker,
As moms across the United States celebrate Mother’s Day this weekend, five of the six women vying for the Democratic residential nomination are themselves mothers.
These women, all seeking the same high political office, became mothers at different points in their careers – some while they were starting out in politics and others long before that.
Roughly half of Americans (51%) say it’s better for a woman who wants to reach high political office to have children before entering politics, according to a 2018 Pew Research Center survey on gender and leadership. About a quarter (26%) say it would be better to wait until she is well-established in her political career, while 19% say it would be better for a woman not to have children at all if she plans to seek higher office.
Click here to read the full article published by the PEW Research Center on 9 May 2019.