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Women's Leadership

During the Summit for Democracy Year of Action, the S4D cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy identified recommendations for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality, Statement and Roadmap of recommendations. The co-leads of the gender cohort – Sweden, Romania, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and International IDEA encourage governments and civil society to consider the recommendations and proposed actions.

The Gender Cohort strongly supports the themes for the Regional Summits for Democracy 2023. The regional themes have a critical link to gender equality and democracy nexus and the Gender Cohort has developed specific briefs on gender for each theme: Youth; Anti-Corruption; Free, Fair and Transparent Elections; Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) and Media Freedom.

Statement and Roadmap of Recommendations

The recommendations and proposed actions were identified in consultation with the cohort consisting of over 100 representatives of governments and civil society from all regions of the world. Governments and civil society are encouraged to consider the recommendations as tools for strengthening democracy by promoting gender equality. The recommendations focus on three pillars: inclusion; legislative and policy frameworks; and conflict prevention, peace and security. Each thematic pillar is fundamental for gender equality in democracy processes.

Read the statement of recommendations >>

Read the roadmap of recommendations >>

Briefs of the Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality

Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Free, Fair and Transparent Elections

Gender equality is fundamental to the electoral process because it enables women—as voters, candidates and elected officials—to influence public policy and advocate for their interests. However, women face significant obstacles to political participation, including the use of targeted gender-based violence and intimidation meant to discourage them from running for office or exercising their political rights. Challenges and risks are even greater for women from historically marginalized communities. Additionally, women are less likely to be recruited and selected as candidates, are less likely to have equal access to campaign funds and face greater challenges to proportional representation. 

Read the brief >

Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Anti-Corruption

Corruption undermines democracy and justice because it impedes the ability of the public to benefit fully from government institutions. Combating corruption requires a gender perspective in order to gain a full understanding of its scope and impact. Women have unique (but not uniform) approaches to anti-corruption and are also impacted differently by corruption which drives inequalities and undermines opportunities for healthy democracies.

Read the brief >

Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Youth

Youth are the leaders of the future. Yet, people under the age of 35 are rarely found in formal political leadership positions, with fewer women than men in these roles.2 Research by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) found that out of 2.2 per cent of parliamentarians under the age of 30, less than 1 per cent are young women. The marginalization of youth—including young women— from politics leads to missed opportunities to strengthen democracy-building processes and institutions. Gender equality as a prerequisite for democracy requires tailored efforts to engage both young women and men. Barriers to the inclusion of youth in politics must be addressed, including gendered forms of discrimination and violence.

Read the brief >

Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs)

ICTs have the potential to close gender gaps in women’s political participation. They can serve as tools for women to influence policy agendas, increase women’s access to campaign resources, strengthen networks of solidarity, and increase women’s representation in democratic agendas and processes. With social media, blogs, podcasts and promotional videos, women have bypassed traditional media outlets, such as TV and radio, to elevate their profile directly and access political decision-making.

Read the brief >

Summit for Democracy Cohort on Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy Media Freedom

Media freedom and the safety of women journalists are fundamental to the strength of democratic processes and institutions. Yet, women are not equally represented in the media. A 2020 study of the news media in the UK, US, Kenya, India, South Africa and Nigeria found that women comprised only 15–30 percent of the subjects of news reports.

Read the brief >

As revealed by International IDEA's recent research, in many countries worldwide, women who serve as electoral officials face numerous challenges in the online space that threaten their mental well-being and physical and online safety. From devaluation of work to being falsely accused of electoral fraud, and from sexual objectification to death threats, these women are massively subjected to gender-based disinformation and a wide range of other profoundly harmful behaviors in the online space.

“I was warned ahead of time that I would become the target of these attacks as a woman chair of the electoral body. The expectation was that since I am a woman, I am not strong enough and I’ll decide to resign.” 

The issue is rooted in the larger problem of gender inequality in the political and electoral spheres. Previous research by International IDEA shows that only 22 per cent of the electoral management bodies (EMBs) across the world are being led by women. Women are vastly underrepresented in positions of power and are often portrayed as incapable of fulfilling these roles, perpetuating gender stereotypes and biases. This not only limits women's opportunities for leadership in electoral management but also reinforces harmful gender-based practices, including discrimination, harassment and gender-based disinformation campaigns. Such attacks can silence women’s voices and discourage them from meaningfully participating in social and political life.   

Click here to read the full article published by International IDEA on 7 March 2023.

Filipino women are progressively breaking down barriers and assuming leadership roles as public officials in a variety of disciplines and making substantial contributions to society.

Being at the forefront of driving change and leading development—from government officials to community leaders—women involved in governance offer a distinct viewpoint to the table and frequently bat for measures that promote gender equality and social justice.

Click here to read the full article published by Philippine Information Agency on 11 March 2023.

As the IPU celebrates International Women’s Day, these are just some of the inspiring women MPs working actively in the IPU’s committees to promote gender equality, youth participation, peace and sustainable development.

Sahar Albazar, Egypt

President of the Board of the Forum of Young Parliamentarians

Young people make up the majority of the world’s population, but only 2.6% of MPs are under 30, which is why the work of Ms. Albazar, an Egyptian MP and President of the Board of the IPU’s Forum of Young Parliamentarians, is key. The Forum works to increase the participation of young people in democracy, and to ensure that young voices are heard. Ms. Albazar is also Deputy Chair of the Foreign Relations Committee at the Egyptian House of Representatives.

Cynthia López Castro, Mexico

Member of the IPU Standing Committee on United Nations Affairs

Ms. López Castro has been a member of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies since 2018, and is a youth champion. In 2017, at the age of 30, she helped draft a new Constitution for Mexico City, and was one of the main advocates for including a youth quota in the city’s electoral law. As a member of the IPU’s Committee on United Nations Affairs, Ms. López Castro works to ensure that at least 25% of candidates for public office at the federal level are under 29 years old. Ms. Castro was a joint winner of the first ever Cremer-Passy Prize at the 145th IPU Assembly in Kigali for her work in promoting youth in parliament.

Click here to read the full article published by the Inter-parliamentary Union on 2 March 2023.

Online hate has become a tool of the right and a lucrative business. It’s driving women out of public life, putting democracy and human rights at risk

Listening to the resignation speech of Scotland’s first minister Nicola Sturgeon this week, it was impossible not to think of the all-too similar words from former New Zealand prime minister Jacinda Ardern just a few weeks earlier.

Politicians are humans, too, as Sturgeon and Ardern reminded us, but the abuse women face online – greater and more vicious than that faced by male politicians – seem to dehumanise them, leaving some to wonder if the problem is a reflection of millennia-old misogyny, or an issue with technology.

Monetizing Misogyny, the study released this week by #ShePersisted, is the result of more than two years of research into the patterns and motives of gendered disinformation in several countries. It provides new insights into this question as well as a clear answer: the problem lies less in the misogyny per se than in its weaponisation by dark actors – and monetisation by digital platforms.

Click here to read the full article published by The Guardian on 17 February 2023.

As Nicola Sturgeon quits, online vitriol continues to leave female politicians fearing for their safety

he brutality of political life had taken its toll on her, said Nicola Sturgeon as she announced her resignation on Wednesday. That same day, a 42-year-old man was jailed for sending her an email saying she was going to “face a hanging” for treason. Two weeks earlier, a 70-year-old man was found guilty of threatening to assassinate her.

It may come as no surprise, then, that Scotland’s outgoing first minister recently described the environment for women in politics as “much harsher and more hostile” than at any time in her decades-long career.

“Social media provides a vehicle for the most awful abuse of women, misogyny, sexism and threats of violence for women who put their heads above the parapet,” Sturgeon, 52, told the BBC’s Kirsty Wark in a documentary that will air on Tuesday.

Click here to read the full article published by The Guardian on 17 February 2023.

Why are women still under-represented in politics? Can we speak of democracy when women are not fully included in political decision-making? Some argue that we are on the right track to full gender equality in politics, while others talk about women hitting the glass ceiling or being included in institutions with shrinking power, not least as a result of neo-liberalism. 

In this powerful essay, internationally renowned scholar of gender and politics Drude Dahlerup explains how democracy has failed women and what can be done to tackle it. Political institutions, including political parties, she argues, are the real gatekeepers to elected positions all over the world, but they need to be much more inclusive. By reforming these institutions and carefully implementing gender quotas we can move towards improved gender equality and greater democratization.

Click here to access the book. 

Business as usual is not an option. To fulfil the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including Sustainable Development Goal 5 on achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls, concrete actions and intensified commitments to improve women’s participation and representation are needed.

In early 2016, the International Gender Champions–Geneva started to look closely at the number of women in delegations to governing bodies of Geneva-based international organizations. At its annual meeting in 2016, the United Nations Governing Bodies Secretariat further discussed gender balance in the governing bodies of international organizations and agreed to support efforts to promote women’s participation and advance the goal of gender balance across their conferences and meetings.

This publication aims to build knowledge on women’s participation in national delegations to meetings of international organizations’ governing bodies and their leadership roles in these meetings. It is based on responses to a questionnaire addressed to members of the United Nations Governing Bodies Secretariat and of the International Gender Champions–Geneva. Although the results of the survey may not be representative of all United Nations organizations, they have yielded important information on the current policies and practices in the 23 entities that took part.

Based on the responses, six types of actions to improve women’s participation in governing body meetings have been identified: (a) explicit policies and mandated targets; (b) tracking and reporting; (c) training and capacity-building; (d) financial support; (e) advocacy and networking; and (f) communications strategies.

The survey results are complemented by an overview of intergovernmental and inter-agency frameworks and trends in women’s participation in national Governments and intergovernmental forums. Best practices in promoting women’s participation at different levels – national and multilateral – are also presented with the aim of informing concrete recommendations on the way forward to realize gender balance in international organizations’ governing bodies.

Click here to access the publication. 

This book is an overview of women’s activism and political struggles in contemporary Africa, and the ways in which the continent's women are shaping the struggle for women’s rights internationally.

Throughout Africa, growing numbers of women are coming together and making their voices heard, mobilising around causes ranging from democracy and land rights to campaigns against domestic violence. In Tanzania and Tunisia, women have made major gains in their struggle for equal political rights, and in Sierra Leone and Liberia women have been at the forefront of efforts to promote peace and reconciliation. While some of these movements have been influenced by international feminism and external donors, increasingly it is African women who are shaping the global struggle for women’s rights.

Bringing together African authors who themselves are part of the activist groups, this collection represents the only comprehensive and up-to-date overview of women’s movements in contemporary Africa. Drawing on case studies and fresh empirical material from across the continent, the authors challenge the prevailing assumption that notions of women’s rights have trickled down from the global north to the south, showing instead that these movements have been shaped by above all the unique experiences and concerns of the local women involved.

Click here for more information. 

 

 

iKNOW Politics expert Farida Jalalzai submitted the following article to be published on International Women’s Day 2017.

Few social changes have been as dramatic and rapid as women’s increased political representation worldwide. Simultaneously, nowhere do women hold equal power to men in influencing and exercising political authority worldwide. This story of huge gains and shocking barriers plays out daily in our news, and for good reason. These are all threads of a compelling story – women’s global political empowerment. Changes that were fuzzy and uncertain at first can no longer be ignored. The UN has declared women’s empowerment as the third of its Millennium Development Goals (http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/). Within this broad charter, political empowerment is one of a variety of areas, often less fully articulated and studied in comparison to economic indicators. Yet, gains in women’s political empowerment directly decrease the role of gender inequality as an obstacle to incorporation as social and economic equals, and open, rather than close, the political domain to all members of society. Indeed, as the largest group today that worldwide encounters current and historical barriers to political incorporation, women’s political empowerment is a fundmental process of transformation for benchmarking and understanding more general empowerment gains across the globe. Thus, women’s political empowerment is a political public good insofar as progress legitimates and strengthens a larger committment to equal political incorporation generally.

What is women’s global political empowerment? In 2015, we began a cross-national and inter-disciplinary discussion of these concepts and are publishing resulting work in an edited collection Alexander, Bolzendahl, and Jalalzai (forthcoming)[1]. As we have continued to develop these ideas, we define women’s global political empowerment as the enhancement of assets, capabilities, and achievements of women to gain equality to men in influencing and exercising political authority worldwide. This definition builds from important previous work on gender, empowerment, and development (Kabeer 2005). First, empowerment denotes a process of transformation from a position of no or limited agency to one of greater agentic opportunity and effectiveness. This captures the transformative essence of empowerment processes writ large. Importantly, it incorporates the systematic marginalization of women as a group from access to and achievement of equal levels of political influence, representation, and integration. Second, we focus on the fact that women’s political empowerment is achieved as part of a political process, not at one particular moment (e.g., women reaching 50% of the legislature). Political empowerment goes beyond the power enjoyed by particular individuals by shedding light on power configurations positioning groups, and recognizes political authority as the legitimate access to state mediated power.  Third, women’s political empowerment distributes power more evenly between men and women and undermines entrenched patterns of gender inequality across a broad range of economic, familial, and social institutions.

While the challenges are steep, there is a great deal of positive momentum toward expanding measures of women’s political empowerment worldwide. Data from sources such as the World Bank, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (www.ipu.org); and the UN Women program (www.unwomen.org) are slowly prioritizing measures related to gender, women’s empowerment, and politics. Mirroring the construction of gender as a social structure with individual, interactional, and institutional levels, measures of women’s empowerment must consider women’s individual capacities and opportunities (e.g., political knowledge, access, rights), community-based factors (e.g., political mobilization, campaigning, local representation), and broader arenas (e.g., women’s election nationally, women’s lobbies and political organizations, women’s power and leadership in office). While the bulk of available information relates to women’s formal political power (i.e., election to national office), our collection of research will expand this, for example in including cross-national measures of women’s election to local council, approaches to include women’s committee and caucus memberships, frameworks for linking women’s rights and emancipative values in survey research, broadening international data on women’s executive leadership, and  measures of the intersection of gender and minority status worldwide. Moving forward on these measurement issues requires collaboration across disciplines and a commitment by organizations and their resources to prioritize the collection of such data and share it widely.

We argue that we need to still better understand women’s elite involvement and influence.  The majority of prior work on elites charts cross-national and longitudinal trends in women’s presence in national legislatures.  While women’s presence in legislatures has grown over time, women still remain vastly underrepresented in most countries worldwide.   Comparative research on cross-level trends in women’s office-holding also shows that women’s incorporation varies considerably (Bolzendahl 2014). Thus, women’s presence at the national level should not be taken for granted as an indicator of similar achievements in other levels of office-holding. As a point of comparison, we briefly analyze women holding national executive positions (prime ministerships, presidencies, or equivalent posts).

While the current world average of women in parliaments is 23 percent (www.ipu.org) and thus still quite low, compare this to the percentage of women holding executive office. A mere six percent of all executives in power in 2017 worldwide are women.  A record year for women would only require 20 women to hold power simultaneously. Even in this scenario, women would comprise less than eight percent of all executives. More stunning is that the numbers of women leading their countries is actually declining rather than increasing[2].  While quantities can indicate some important aspects of political empowerment, we must also account for quality of position and influence of the country. Women, compared to their male counterparts, more often ascend to relatively weak executive posts and gain offices through appointment as opposed to popular election (Jalalzai 2013).  Even with high profile female executives such as German Chancellor Angela Merkel (consistently ranked as the world’s most powerful female leader by Forbes Magazine) women still rarely lead more visible countries on the world stage. No doubt, media interest in women in executive power increased as Hillary Clinton’s election as the first woman president of the United States seemed likely. Given her loss and other setbacks for women including the impeachment of two sitting female presidents--Dilma Rousseff of Brazil and South Korea’s Park Guen-hye--it is fair to say that 2017 has not started out as a banner year for women executives.  Focusing only on women in national legislatures, therefore, neglects key alternative arenas where women gain in decision-making authority that may be even more influential, including women’s presence including executive positions, but also positions of party leadership, in the courts and security forces.

Our work also suggests the need to incorporate more work on political empowerment of average female citizens since this may strongly influence elite behavior, such as the provision of entitlements, especially those supporting gender equality (Alexander and Welzel 2011). Therefore, average female citizens’ level of political motivation and participation as well as the strength of women’s advocacy networks are fundamental to women’s political empowerment.

Overall, our research on identifies a number of key conceptual issues and opportunities for further developing definitions of women’s political empowerment worldwide. In particular, we see that a critical mass of scholarship exists that provides the launching point for research to expand globally and rethink conclusions across geo-political areas. Through continued work and data collection, a broad theoretical framework can emerge to understand how women have gained fuller access to political power and where challenges toward equality remain. 

References

Alexander, Amy C. and Christian Welzel. 2011. “Explaining Women’s Empowerment: The Role

of Emancipative Beliefs.” European Sociological Review 27(3): 364-384.

Alexander, Amy, Catherine Bolzendahl, Farida Jalalzai. Measuring Women’s Political Empowerment

across the Globe- Strategies, Challenges and Future Research. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (forthcoming).

Alexander, Amy, Catherine Bolzendahl, Farida Jalalzai. 2016. “Defining Women’s Global

Political Empowerment: Theories and Evidence.” Sociology Compass.

Jalalzai, Farida. 2013. Shattered, Cracked and Firmly Intact: Women and the Executive Glass

Ceiling Worldwide. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Kabeer, Naila, 2005. "Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of the

Third Millennium Development Goal 1." Gender & Development 13:13-24.

 

 




[1] We thank the Thyssen Foundation for support of our conference in Cologne, Germany, 2015.

[2] Currently, only 15 women hold executive posts. In the previous year, 19 women held executive power.  Excluded from analysis women occupying positions not conforming to presidential or prime ministerial office such as collective executives (as in San Marino or Bosnia etc.).Leaders of non-autonomous countries are also omitted since ultimate authority lies with another government.  Since Taiwan’s independence from China is contested, President Tsai is excluded. A small number of women served in both prime ministerial and presidential capacities in the same country. Others led officially as interim leaders prior to securing more permanent appointments. Since the unit of analysis is the woman leader, they are not considered separate cases. In instances where the same woman held two different types of executive positions, they are analyzed in the position they held longer. Farida Jalalzai compiled cases of women leaders from the Worldwide Guide to Women in Leadership, Zarate’s Political Collection and different media articles.

 

In 2013-2014, a study was undertaken by UNDP to explore the presence of women in decision-making positions in the countries of the Caribbean Community1,2 (CARICOM), as well as the link between their presence in politics and institutions and the national advances on gender equality, i.e. the link between descriptive and substantive representation. The initial hypothesis for the study was that there is a relationship between women’s political presence and the positive effects it might have through the inclusion of gender and other related inequality issues into the legislative and executive agenda — thereby establishing women as important agents of change for development. A similar study was in process in Latin America, but limited to the legislative agenda. This study was conducted as a desk review, during which available information and data on women, parliaments, and gender equality were collected and analysed from existing reports, documents, and other resources. While the aim of the research was to analyse the data on women’s political participation at the local and national levels for the period between 2000 and 2013, data for the period before were incorporated wherever it was available. This was done in order to paint as complete a picture of women’s political participation as possible and thereby capture key historic milestones and precedents that continue to have significant impact. 

The women, peace and security UN Security Council resolutions poster provides a helpful overview of each of the eight resolutions, and pulls out key provisions for each resolution. The poster is an informational resource which can be used by experts and non-experts alike to help explain and highlight the meaning and intention of each resolution on women, peace and security.