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Women's Leadership

Overview

In 2025, the global community is commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995). In this vein the sixty-ninth session of the Commission on the Status of Women took place at United Nations Headquarters in New York from 10 to 21 March 2025. The main focus of the session was on the review and appraisal of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcomes of the 23rd special session of the General Assembly. The review assessed ongoing challenges hindering the realization of gender equality and women's empowerment and examined how these efforts contribute to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. At CSW69 countries adopted the Political Declaration recommitting to the global agenda of gender equality and empowerment. In addition, various side events organized by CSOs and partners addressed some of the most critical issues on gender inclusion,empowerment and representation.

In this vein iKNOW Politics held three webinars in Arabic (09/05/2025), English (29/04/2025) and Spanish (25/04/2025) on the topic of ‘From Words to Action – Reviewing the CSW69’. These webinars explored the following key questions stemming from the discussions and outcomes of CSW69.

  • What were the salient themes discussed during the CSW69 that address some of the most pressing issues for Women in Politics?
  • What are the salient features of the Political Declaration that has been adopted?
  • Reflections/Impressions on the sessions by speakers of the webinar.
  • There is a significant global backlash against democracy and gender equity. Do you think the perspectives/commitments you heard at CSW69 meet the challenges of our time?
  • Strategically speaking, what were your key lessons learnt, and how can they be implemented in your context.
  • What was missing in the discussions, what direction can future agendas of CSW take?
  • What lies ahead for Women’s Political Participation based on the commitments at the CSW69?

Key Takeaways 

  1. Declarations Must Lead to Action: High-level declarations alone are not enough. There must be concrete national and multilateral frameworks, budgets, and accountability mechanisms to drive real change that are cross-cutting to drive grass-root change. The difficult negotiation process at CSW69, particularly considering emerging anti-gender rhetoric and its impact on previously agreed language within the UN frameworks was also highlighted.
  2. Effective Youth Inclusion is Essential: For sustainable change, the lived experiences and voices of youth must take center stage at events like CSW. Moreover, the intergenerational aspect of the CSW must be expanded to ensure dialogue in all spaces is representative of experience and representation of different generations of stakeholders.
  3. Funding Challenges:  The current wave of political regression concerning gender equality is creating unprecedented funding challenges for women’s rights CSOs and forcing many to rethink their future strategies and operational models. 
  4. Realigning Power & Responsibility: The movement must shift from organization-driven mandates to people-centered responsibility. Activism should reflect the realities of those most impacted.
  5. Engaging Men and Boys: Fostering a supportive environment for women’s political participation demands a shift in cultural attitudes by engaging men and boys in discussions on gender equality, leadership, and respectful public discourse.

Full report accessible here.

Click here to view the full Arabic session.

Click here to view the full English session.

Click here to view the full Spanish Session.

 

We are happy to share that Wanja Maina, participant of the Eastern Africa Young Women's Empowerment Academy organised in the framework of the WYDE Women's Leadership project, has been nominated among the 50 most influential women in Kenya in 2025 by Africapitol Ventures!

Wanja’s work in media, gender equality, disability rights, and community engagement is truly inspiring — and this recognition is a testament to her dedication to creating meaningful change.

It also shows how initiatives like the Young Women's Empowerment Academies can be a positive step in young women’s leadership journeys, supporting them to reflect and work on their development plans and elevate their voices and impact.

Wanja is committed and looks forward to work regionally and globally on issues of public finance, gender equality, disability rights and political participation of special interest groups.

Wanja Maina "Honoured to Be Named Among Kenya's 50 Most Influential Women 2025 🏆✨"

 I was pleasantly surprised to receive information from Africapitol Ventures that I am among the 50 most influential women in Kenya for 2025.

 This recognition has truly uplifted my spirits and fills me with gratitude. 🙏💖

 I believe in a better Kenya, and I have extensively engaged on Kenyan media on issues affecting ordinary Kenyans, which gives me great joy. 

 Through my media work, I've been able to amplify the voices of everyday people and bring attention to the challenges they face.

 Beyond media engagement, I have been involved in many activities that have improved the welfare of women and girls, including program designing, community engagements, and other gender equality projects in partnerships with different entities. 👩‍👧‍👦💪

 This work has been incredibly fulfilling as I've seen firsthand how collaborative efforts can create meaningful change in communities.

 This recognition has encouraged me to do my best, reminding me that "there is someone who is always watching." 👀 It motivates me to continue pushing forward, knowing that dedication and genuine commitment to improving lives doesn't go unnoticed.

 Looking ahead, I would love to partner and work with all like-minded people in the coming days on areas of public finance, gender equality, feminisms, disability rights, political participation of special interest groups, and other critical issues affecting our society. 🤝⚖️.

 I would also love to work regionally and globally on these important issues. 🌍

 I believe that by working together, we can create the lasting change that Kenya needs. 💫

 I'm excited to share this news and connect with others who share this vision for a better future. 🌟

 "We should always be like a hummingbird. I may be insignificant, but I certainly don’t want to be like the animals watching the planet goes down the drain. I will be a hummingbird, I will do the best I can"- Wangari Maathai

 

Despite all the progress that has been made toward gender equality globally, many are still tempted to view armed conflict as primarily the domain of men. Women often prove decisive in such settings, including combat, non-combat roles, and leadership positions. Nonetheless, they are routinely sidelined in formal peace processes and post-conflict governance. This pattern reflects a moral and practical failure.

During armed conflicts, women become more vulnerable to genocide, trafficking, slavery, and sexual violence, with all the associated health risks and psychological trauma. This alone earns them the right to participate in peace processes. But women are not only passive victims of conflict, as we have seen in Ukraine. They make profound wartime contributions on the battlefield, as well as in civil society and as advocates for peace.

Full article published by Addis Fortune here.

Image by Addis Fortune

 

For decades, African politics has been a domain dominated by men, with women often relegated to the sidelines of decision-making. But a growing number of countries how now experienced female leadership, including Liberia, Malawi and most recently Namibia. With President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah becoming the country’s first female head of state and assembling a cabinet where women hold the majority of ministerial positions, Namibia has set a historic precedent. This moment signifies much more than symbolism; it signals a broader and hopeful shift in the continent’s political landscape, one that may pave the way for future gender equality in governance. Could Namibia be a harbinger of a wider trend across Africa? Let’s take a closer look at the evidence.

Namibia is not alone in challenging the traditional power structures that have long kept women out of high political office. In recent years, countries like Tanzania and Ethiopia have also seen women rise to top leadership roles. Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who took office in 2021 after the death of President John Magufuli, has already made significant strides in reshaping the country’s political and economic trajectory. However, it is important to note that she, like Malawi’s former President Joyce Banda, assumed office not through an electoral mandate but through constitutional succession. This pattern raises important questions about the actual commitment of ruling parties to gender equality when women are not fielded as primary candidates.

Full article by Democracy in Africa.

Image by Democracy in Africa

 

Ulaanbaatar, May 22, 2025 /MONTSAME/. The “We Women” Forum, jointly organized by the Secretariat of the State Great Khural, the United Nations, and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA), opened on May 21, 2025, at the State Palace.

Speaker of the State Great Khural of Mongolia Amarbayasgalan Dashzegve delivered opening remarks, stating, “Last year, amendments were made to the Law on Parliamentary Elections, adopting a mixed electoral system and legislating that no less than 30 percent of the candidate list of political parties and 50 percent of candidates in constituencies must be women. As a result, of the 1,341 candidates in the 2024 Parliamentary Election, 38.7 percent, or 520 candidates, were women, a historic high, and 32 women were elected to the State Great Khural, bringing women’s representation in Parliament to 25.4 percent, also a record.”

Full article published by Montsame on 22 May 2025.

Image by Montsame

 

Women bring different perspectives of cultures and conflict and when those voices are at the negotiating table a lasting peace is more likely, writes Maha Akeel.

It is important to include women at the negotiation table of conflict resolution and peacebuilding early in the process and not be persuaded to delay that for any reason. Ensuring that women’s rights, needs, and expectations are reflected in any texts adopted during the talks lays the groundwork for their political participation and social empowerment later. Third-party mediators can and should play a role in including women in such negotiations whether as negotiation delegates or mediators. A mediator is a neutral third party and a negotiator takes sides or negotiate on behalf of a side.

Including women in peace processes

Research indicates that women’s participation in peace processes, whether at the formal or informal level, leads to a more durable peace. Women not only bring different experiences of war from men but also different perspectives. Most often, through their informal networks and grassroots activism, women can bridge ethnic, cultural, and religious divides, such as in Liberia, Nigeria, and Somalia.

Despite these documented benefits, women face barriers to their effective participation in peace negotiation processes. One of the most persistent and difficult to overcome is the structural problems of patriarchy. Patriarchal structures define the roles women are allowed or assigned to play in peacebuilding and their level of involvement. Even if their numbers are increasing steadily in the political sphere, women remain constrained by patriarchal structures of male leadership.

Mediators play an important role in supporting women’s inclusion in peace processes and in leading by example through having women in mediation. However, from 1990 to 2018, mediation was involved in only 34 per cent of the total 876 conflict-years, and of those mediations only 10 per cent included at least one woman as co-mediator. Despite evidence that women’s full participation makes peacebuilding much more effective, the number of women in decision-making roles is actually falling.

In 2023, women represented only 9.6 per cent of negotiators, 13.7 per cent of mediators and 26.6 per cent of signatories in peace processes. According to a report by the United Nations Secretary General, women were virtually absent from talks on ending the conflicts in Ethiopia, Sudan, Myanmar and Libya. In Muslim societies, culture and tradition are most often used to justify the exclusion of women from peace processes even though the women are active. In fact, women were consulted and included in resolving conflicts and negotiating peace since the time of Prophet Mohamed.

Full article published by the London School of Economics on 23 May 2025.

Image credits: LSE

 

Women ran for and were elected to office in record numbers in the 2018 election. They made historic gains across levels of office and reached new milestones for women’s political representation. But not all women achieved record levels of success in 2018. Republican women’s representation dropped across offices and within their party.

The progress for all women in election 2018 should also be put into important context. First, despite breaking records for candidacy and officeholding, women – who are just over half of the population – were still underrepresented among all candidates and remain less than one-third of elected officials.

Finally, measuring progress for women in electoral politics means looking beyond the numbers. When considering the gender and intersectional dynamics at play in U.S. campaigns, it is clear that there is much progress left to make in creating equitable conditions for success for women and men in American elections.

Click here to see the report.

Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognized around the world as a significant barrier to women’s political participation. This article maps how the concept emerged globally, arguing that it has multiple, parallel origins: efforts by locally elected women in Bolivia in the late 1990s to theorize their experiences as political harassment and violence against women; networking by elected women across Asia, with support from global actors, to map and condemn manifestations of violence against women in politics in the mid2000s; and initiatives in Kenya to recognize and tackle electoral gender-based violence in the late 2000s. International actors began to link these debates in the late 2000s and early 2010s, collecting and analyzing testimonies from women to develop new frameworks and toolkits for identifying and addressing violence against women in politics. They also sought opportunities to embed these new understandings into existing normative and political frameworks. Arguing that concept formation plays a crucial role in global feminist politics, the article illustrates how feminist collaborations are essential for giving voice to women’s experiences and mobilizing for change.

Click here to see the report.

The High Level Political Forum (HLPF) is the core United Nations platform on Sustainable Development. It is the mechanism which follows up on UN Member States’ implementation of the 2030 Agenda and seeks to hold governments accountable by encouraging them to submit national reviews on their progress toward the 2030 Agenda. Each year, the HLPF focuses on a different theme and reviews a different set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This year’s theme was “Empowering people and ensuring inclusiveness and equality”.

The following set of goals were reviewed:

  • Goal 4: Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all 
  • Goal 8: Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all
  •  Goal 10: Reduce inequality within and among countries 
  • Goal 13: Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts  
  • Goal 16: Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels  
  • Goal 17: Strengthen the means of implementation and revitalize the global partnership for sustainable development.

As the HLPF adopts inter-governmentally negotiated political declarations, this report analyzes each of the 6 goals through a gendered lens and emphasizes the importance of taking a gendered approach in implementing each of the goals. Additionally, this publication focuses on how each goal impacts women and girls and how their involvement makes a global difference. Each goal is explored through a gendered analysis, backed up by examples of good practices from around the globe. These case studies demonstrate innovative and gender-sensitive practices that governments have implemented in their efforts toward the 2030 Agenda. The purpose of this report is to present how women and girls can have an effective impact on societies and governments when they are given a chance to take part in global discussions that may affect change. More importantly, this publication emphasizes how women and girls play a significant role in achieving the 2030 Agenda.

Click here to see the report.

The report on “The Empowerment of Women in Politics and the 6 th Legislature National Assembly Elections 2018” is an analysis of the data and views of Cambodian women’s participation in politics, especially the process of the 6th Legislature National Assembly (NA) Elections 2018.

This report looks in particular at the women’s political empowerment and elections; number of women candidates, measures for how to select women candidats, policies of political parties for promoting women’s political participation, political party platforms on women’s and children’s issues, challenges facing women both as voters and candidates including violence against women in politics. Also, it shows about women’s opinions on electoral progress, and activities related to promoting women’s participation in politics as well as the outcome of elected women representative from the single party CPP which dominated the election and the outcome. It also provides an overview of a rapid survey on “The reason of women voters who voted or have indelible ink on their finger and women voters who did not go to vote or have no indelible ink on their finger” conducted by Women Volunteer Citizens throughout the four provincial target area of COMFREL a day after the election and two case studies. The report closes with a set of recommendations to improve gender equality and women’s political empowerment in Cambodia.

Click here to see the report.

There are currently 22 gender-balanced cabinets, of which 14 have at least 50% of women ministers. 

Women continue to be under-represented globally in political leadership positions. Data from UN Women and the Inter-parliamentary Union’s 2019 Women in Politics map shows that women made up 24.3% of all parliamentarians and 20.7% of government ministers, in January 2019. Although far from parity and gender-balance, this represents an all-time high for women in politics. 

According to the same data, only nine countries had 50% or more of women in ministerial positions on 1 January 2019.* These were Spain (64.7%), Nicaragua (55.6%), Sweden (54.4%), Albania (53.3%), Colombia (52.9%), Costa Rica (51.9%), Rwanda (51.9%), Canada (50%) and France (50%).

Below is an update on parity and gender-balanced cabinets (see our previous list here). As of 1 September 2019, there are 14 government cabinets made up of at least 50% of women ministers: 

1. Spain

Caretaker Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s acting cabinet includes six men and ten women, making Spain the country with the highest proportion of women ministers at 62.5%. Click here to learn more. 

2. Finland

Prime Minister Antti Rinne’s government is composed of seven men and 11 women ministers. The proportion of women ministers is 61.1%. Click here to learn more.  

3. Nicaragua

President Daniel Ortega Saavedra’s current cabinet includes seven men and ten women. The share of women ministers is 58.8%. Click here to learn more.

4. Sweden

Sweden has the world’s first self-proclaimed feminist government. Prime Minister Stefan Löfven’s cabinet is composed of ten men and 12 women ministers. The proportion of women ministers is 54.5%. Click here to learn more. 

5. Albania

Albanian Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Edi Rama reshuffled his cabinet at the end of 2018. The government is composed of eight women ministers out of a total of 15, bringing the proportion of women ministers to 53.3%. Click here to learn more. 

6. Rwanda

Prime Minister Édouard Ngirente’s government includes 25 ministers, among which 13 are women (52%). Rwanda has the highest proportion of women MPs in its Chamber of Deputies at 61.3%. Click here to learn more.

7. Canada

Upon assuming office in November 2015, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appointed a parity cabinet. Following the most recent reshuffle in March 2019, gender parity remained with a total of 17 men and 17 women ministers. Click here to learn more. 

8. Colombia

President Iván Duque announced Colombia’s first parity cabinet in August 2018. The current government team is composed of eight men and eight women ministers. Click here to learn more.

9. Costa Rica

President Carlos Alvarado’s current 24-member cabinet includes as many men as women ministers. Click here to learn more.

10. El Salvador

On 1 June 2019, President Nayib Bukele announced upon his inauguration a parity government with eight men and eight women ministers. Click here to learn more. 

11. Guinea-Bissau

In July 2019, a presidential decree announced a new government under the leadership of Prime Minister Aristides Gomes with eight men and eight women ministers. Click here to learn more.  

12. Haiti

The new Prime Minister Fritz-William Michel announced a parity cabinet in July 2019. Despite a government reshuffle a month later, parity was kept with nine men and nine women ministers. Click here to learn more. 

13. Moldova

In June 2019, Ms. Maia Sandu was elected Prime Minister of Moldova by Members of Parliament. Her new government is formed of five men and five women ministers. Click here to learn more. 

14. South Africa

In May 2019, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s second cabinet was inaugurated. In includes 14 men and 14 women ministers. Click here to learn more.  

Close to parity but not quite, there are currently eight gender-balanced cabinets where women occupy at least 40% of ministerial positions. These are France (48.6%), Ethiopia (47.6), Peru (47.4), Norway (42.8%), Switzerland (42.8%), Seychelles (41.6%), Germany (40%), and Iceland (40%).

Did we miss anything? Please let us know at connect@iknowpolitics.org.

* All calculations do not include Prime Ministers/Heads of Government, unless they hold ministerial portfolios. Vice-presidents and heads of governmental or public agencies are not included.

This policy paper aims to reconsider the concept of parity democracy in the current context of the EU and focusing on the elections to the EP in May 2019. As developed in the Athens Declaration, adopted at the European Summit of Women in Power in 1992, parity democracy stands on 5 basic arguments (equality, democracy, good use of human resources, needs and interests of women and quality of policy-making) which are recalled and updated with a view to provide stakeholders, including democrats standing for gender equality and feminist movements, with useful ammunitions to inform and convince EU citizens (women and men) to vote and to vote for women defending equality. This policy paper is, therefore, part of broader Gender Five Plus’ efforts to inform EU citizens and influence stakeholders for greater gender balance in the EU. The analysis in this policy paper is based on desk research, literature review and includes diverse forms of experience in EU policy-making. It is divided into four different parts and a list of recommendations. Part I tries to answer the question of why parity democracy is important to the EU; Part II focuses on why the EU and parity democracy are important to women; Part III analyses gender balance in the EU decision-making (focusing in the EP); Part IV examines the possible challenges and opportunities for fostering parity democracy in the current EU context and the conclusion provides space for a reflection on the EU that we want and need to build. Finally, derived from the analysis of the whole policy paper, a noncomprehensive list of recommendations is provided.

Click here to see the report.