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Women's Leadership

Despite some progress over the past decade, women's representation in political leadership remains limited globally. As of 1 January 2024, only 27 out of 159 countries are led by women – a modest increase from just 18 countries a decade ago (United Nations Women Headquarters Office 2024). Women represent 23% of cabinet members heading ministries worldwide in 2024; in Europe and Northern America, this share is 33%.

On the one hand, these numbers hint at the long road ahead to reach the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal of gender equality (SDG 5), which aims to ensure equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic, and public life (United Nations 2015). On the other hand, they underscore the need to understand to what extent the underrepresentation of women politicians matters for policy choices, especially in times of crises.

Read here the full article published by the Centre for Economic Policy Research on 12 November 2024.

Image by Centre for Economic Policy Research

 

To many left-leaning Americans, it is resoundingly clear that women who backed Donald J. Trump in the presidential election voted against their own self-interest.

Liberal women, in particular, have spent recent days practically stunned, stewing over how other women could have rejected Kamala Harris, who would have been the first woman to lead the nation in its nearly 250-year history. Instead, they chose a candidate who spews misogyny seemingly with glee. For the second time.

One voter from Maine, interviewed after Mr. Trump declared victory, offered a takeaway shared by many. As she put it, “The sisterhood did not stand up.”

In many ways the election results seemed to contradict generations of progress made toward women’s equality and for feminism generally. Women have made strides in nearly every facet of American life in recent decades, generally making up a greater proportion of the U.S. work force than in the past, taking on high-paying jobs and outpacing men in higher education — though they remain underrepresented at the top levels of both business and government.

They now find themselves in a country where Mr. Trump won decisively with a campaign that pitted men against women, sitting down with podcasters who trade in sexism and choosing a running mate who had criticized single women as “childless cat ladies.” Mr. Trump took credit for appointing the Supreme Court justices who overturned the constitutional right to abortion but appeared to pay little price at the polls. Immediately after the election social media posts were circulating by men that read, “your body, my choice.”

Read here the full article published by The New York Times on 12 November 2024.

Image by The New York Times

 

In elections across the globe, the spotlight has been trained on the question of women’s representation, and rightly so. How vibrant can a democracy be if half of its population does not find adequate representation in politics or in the corridors of power? Which is why, when Kamala Harris became the Democratic nominee for the US presidential election, it was welcomed by those who thought it was high time that a woman — especially a woman of colour — held its highest office. Her campaign and the possibility of her victory was seen as symbolising the maturity of American democracy and an acknowledgment of its diversity.

As it turned out, a large number of African Americans, especially young men, and White women voted en-masse for Donald Trump. There are many reasons for this, but one is that mere symbolic gestures are not enough to win voters’ support. India has seen this happen in recent elections in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Telangana and Haryana. We are seeing the end of vote-bank politics and the emergence of value-based voting. In India, women across the political spectrum have marched beyond mere symbolism and metaphors. Women have become game changers, shaping electoral politics and defining electoral gains. They have transitioned from descriptive political representation to substantive political presence, and with women-centric policies, like Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana, Beti Bachao Beti Padhao and Jan Dhan Yojana, we have seen women becoming changemakers in policy formulation. The outcome of such politics promises a brighter tomorrow by making women more skilled, employable and empowered.

Read here the full article published by the Indian Express on 12 November 2024.

Image by Indian Express

 

Gender quotas have become an important mechanism for promoting gender equality in political representation. This blog post explores their impact on women’s political empowerment, particularly in Malta, by discussing the historical context, current situation, and future prospects for gender equality in Maltese politics.

Understanding Gender Quotas

Gender quotas are affirmative measures designed to increase women’s participation in politics by reserving a certain proportion of seats for them. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), the goal is to provide a clearer pathway for women to enter political leadership, as they have historically been underrepresented. This is particularly relevant in Malta, where, despite advancements in other areas of gender equality, political representation remains unequal.

A Historical Overview of Women’s Political Participation in Malta

Women’s political participation in Malta has a long history, tied to the broader socio-political developments of the nation. Women were first granted the right to vote and run for office in 1947, preceding Maltese men who received this right three years later. However, significant measures aimed at improving female political representation only came in the 21st century. The Gender Corrective Mechanism, introduced in 2021, was a landmark policy. It mandates an increase in parliamentary seats if female representation falls below 40%, ensuring that women have a stronger foothold in Maltese politics.

Read here the full article published by Gender On The Ballot on 11 November 2024.

Image by Gender On The Ballot

 

Kemi Badenoch has become the new leader of the UK Conservatives and the first black woman to lead a major political party in the UK.

Badenoch, 44, replaces Rishi Sunak as leader and has promised to lead the party through a period of renewal following its election loss to the Labour Party in July.

Badenoch won 53,806 votes from party members to win the leadership over former immigration minister Robert Jenrick, who won 41,388 votes. 

Badenoch’s leadership will mark a shift to the right for the Conservatives. She has told supporters it’s time to “get down to business”.

“The task that stands before us is tough, but simple, our first responsibility as his majesty’s loyal opposition is to hold this Labour government to account,” she told party members after winning the vote.

“Our second is no less important, it is to prepare over the course of the next few years for government.”

Badenoch is the sixth Tory leader in less than 9 years. She has a professional background in banking and IT and became an MP in 2017.

She has talked about returning the party to “first principles”, and has been described as having a no-nonsense style of communication and holding “anti-woke” values.

During the campaign for the Conservatives leadership, Badenoch sparked debate on maternity pay, when she said it was “excessive” . She spoke about how she believes in personal responsibility and “the answer cannot be let the government help people to have babies”. She later clarified that she believes in maternity pay.

Read here the full article published by the Women's Agenda on 4 November 2024.

Image by Women's Agenda

 

In the present report, the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences analyses the issue of violence against women in politics, including in parliament and elections, and outlines her conclusion and recommendations on preventing and combating such manifestations of gender-based violence.

It is submitted by the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, Dubravka Šimonović, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 71/170. In section II, she provides an overview of her mandate’s initiative to develop institutional links and thematic cooperation between independent global and regional mechanisms on violence and discrimination against women. The activities carried out by the Special Rapporteur during the reporting period are included in her thematic report to the Human Rights Council (A/HRC/38/47). In section III, she analyses violence against women in politics and the main challenges to addressing it. In section IV, she outlines her conclusion and recommendations on preventing and combating violence against women in politics

Click here to see the report.

UN Women, the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (OHCHR), and the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences (Special Rapporteur), in collaboration with the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), co-organized an Expert Group Meeting (EGM) on violence against women in politics (VAWP) on 8–9 March 2018 in New York. More than 40 experts attended the meeting, including Members of Parliament and local government, academics, gender equality advocates, and representatives of regional human and women’s rights monitoring mechanisms, electoral management bodies, UN agencies, and civil society organizations.

Convened at a time when gender-based violence against women (GBVAW) was in the global spotlight, the EGM provided the space for a diverse, specialized and influential group of experts to identify institutional, advocacy, and legal means to enable women to fully realize their political rights, and end impunity for those who seek to stifle or suppress them.

This report provides a summary of the EGM discussions. It contains key points and priority actions to inform partners’ interventions, particularly the Special Rapporteur’s thematic report on VAWP to the 73rd regular session of the UN General Assembly.

Click here to see the report.

Young women are entering political institutions at high rates; however, this does not translate into the number of women candidates, elected officials, or in senior leadership within political institutions. More than 80% of young women with a median age of 25 are leaving politics due to experiencing sexual violence.

Young Women's Leadership Network is taking a survivor-centred, trauma-informed approach to addressing sexual violence in politics. Young women are at the forefront of various political and social justice campaigns, and this exposes them to a variety of acts of gender-based sexual violence that often goes unnoticed on the campaign trail. Their resources not only bring attention to this prevalent issue, but provide tools and information on creating harassment-free spaces that encourage young women's civic engagement.

Click here to see the report.

By Juliana Menasce Horowitz, Ruth Igielnik and Kim Parker,

Two years after Hillary Clinton became the first woman to win the presidential nomination of a major U.S. political party, and with a record number of women running for Congress in 2018, a majority of Americans say they would like to see more women in top leadership positions – not only in politics, but also in the corporate world – according to a new Pew Research Center survey. But most say men still have an easier path to the top and that women have to do more to prove their worth. And the public is skeptical that the country will ever achieve gender parity in politics or in business.

Republicans and Democrats have widely different views about where things stand today and what factors are holding women back. Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are more than twice as likely as Republicans and those who lean Republican to say there are too few women in high political offices (79% vs. 33%). And while 64% of Democrats say gender discrimination is a major reason why women are underrepresented in these positions, only 30% of Republicans agree.

Click here to see the report.

 

 

The Agate Rights Defense Center for Women with Disabilities, with the support of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and the United States Agency for International Development, has published new research on the barriers to and opportunities for political participation of women with disabilities in Armenia. The Political Participation of Armenian Women with Disabilities: Barriers and Recommendations provides insights into the challenges that hinder participation of Armenian women with disabilities and identifies the means to address them. To conduct the research, Agate utilized IFES’ Intersectionality Assessment Framework, organizing participatory focus group discussions with men and women with disabilities and their peers from urban and rural areas of Armenia.

Armenian women with disabilities identified various attitudinal, communication, environmental and institutional barriers to participation in formal political spaces and in the recent demonstrations that led to a change of political leadership. For example, when asked if they thought their right to vote was ensured by the state, 58 percent of women with disabilities in the focus groups answered “strongly disagree” or “rather disagree”, compared to 24 percent of other respondents, revealing a lack of implementation of the law. Women with hearing disabilities noted that they did not participate in political campaigns because they did not have access to information about candidates and the process.

The report found that women with disabilities are not participating in formal political spaces equally with their peers. The attitude of the public, Armenian patriarchal society and family indifference also increase the likelihood of women with disabilities becoming marginalized from political processes. Even so, it revealed that building confidence in women with disabilities and raising awareness of rights would provide a critical foundation to overcoming their inner fears and building their capacity to participate as voters, candidates, observers, and other leaders in political life. Finally, when women with disabilities have the opportunity to detect and assess discrimination, government stakeholders should involve them in policymaking and legislation that concerns them. 

Click here to see the report.

Maternal mortality, defined as the death of women within 42 days of childbirth, remains a looming global health problem well into the 21st century. It is estimated to account for 830 deaths per day, and more than 216 deaths per 100,000 live births globally (Ceschia and Horton, 2016). Maternal mortality is only the tip of an iceberg, the mass of which is maternal morbidity. In sub-Saharan Africa, the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) exceeds the rate in developed countries a century ago (Alkema et al., 2016; Loudon, 1992).1 Although maternal mortality has declined rapidly in the last two decades, it was a late start, and there was massive variation in rates of decline.2 We leverage this variation to investigate the hypothesis that political will plays a significant role, and that women have greater political will for maternal mortality reduction. Since 1990, not only has MMR fallen by 44%, but the share of women in parliament has risen from under 10% to more than 20% (Figure 1a). We study whether these trends are causally related.

Click here to read the full Academic paper published by Navarra Center for International Development on 1 May 2018.